religious discrimination in the philippines essay

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Why Do Many Filipinos Continue to Discriminate Against Muslims?

Here we go again.

Sometimes it feels like bad deja vu . We've seen this before, with a school imposing a policy that bans the wearing of veils by Muslim women, and a town  imposing special IDs for Muslims as a counter-terrorism measure.

Now it is the Manila Police profiling Muslim college students under the guise of peace-building and countering violent extremism. And the MPD takes it a step further by including Muslim high school students on their proposed list.

A memo circulating online, with ACT Teachers Alliance making a strong objection to the MPD move. On Friday, February 21, Metro Manila Police chief Debold Sinas recalled the order.

For Muslims, this order by the MPD, even if it was recalled quickly, triggered feelings of being discriminated against because of our religion. It alienates Muslims by making us feel a sense of "otherness" that can hamper the growth of trust that is vital to building lasting peace.

Our experience as Muslims in this country is that we are not always readily accepted by other Filipinos who are not Muslim. It is an experience where we constantly feel that we must be very careful in navigating our country's spaces, precisely because we are Muslim. We must constantly negotiate the spaces in which we live, study, socialize and work by walking on eggshells. In this latest case, our youth who are enrolled in this country's schools are learning, ironically, that they must be just as tentative in their movements as their elders are.

In order for there to be peace, there must be a basis for mutual trust. Feelings are important here, because it is from the feeling that one can trust another that trust grows. Trust is also emotionally motivated, as well as nurtured with logic and reason.

We understand it is not easy to build trust. We know that all too well, and we learned that hard lesson time and again. Trust has to be given, as well as earned. It isn't easy to give trust when we are made to feel like we are treated like suspects all the time.

Islam and its followers value peace. It is the central pillar of our religious beliefs. We want to feel less besieged, safer, accepted. Moves like those of the MPD made it difficult to find peace within ourselves and in the communities of which we are part. Despite this, we make conscious efforts to be worthy of trust and the peace this trust brings.

The MPD memo enraged netizens, many of them Muslims, who took to social media to criticize the MPD's move as a step backward that made them wonder what happened to all the peace dialogues over the past decades.

If Muslims in the country were enraged by this discriminatory act, how can anyone blame us? We have had to face precisely this kind of discrimination in the past. Unchecked, precisely this kind of discrimination led to many injustices committed against our communities and people during the Martial Law era, when Muslims were killed by paramilitary groups simply because they were Muslims.

Trust must go both ways. We give it. We receive it. We would truly appreciate it if this would be the case. Let's take this a step at a time, moving forward to build a strong, solid trust among us all as citizens of this country we all call home.

The MPD's policy was clearly profiling and discrimination that targeted our youth. It was also oppression, the kind that breeds injustice. We would act to protect our young ones just like any other human of any other religious persuasion would.

If we are serious in building this country as one nation, we should make sure that we do not allow oppression free rein.

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Religious Freedom in the Philippines: From Legalities to Lived Experience

2013, Review of Faith and International Affairs

Religious freedom has been a key facet of its various Constitutions since the day the Philippines became Asia's first democratic republic in 1899. The immediate religious context of the Philippines, however, renders these provisions difficult to uphold consistently. The Catholic Church remains influential to politics and policy formulation, and at the same time the religious landscape is increasingly diverse due to immigration. Past academic discussion on religious freedom in the Philippines has been mainly among legal scholars. In the future greater attention should be focused on the subjective and everyday experience of religious freedom.

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Katrina Monica Cajucom

Journal of Islam in Asia <span style="font-size: 0.6em">(E-ISSN: 2289-8077)</span>

Alizaman Gamon

Religious rights for minorities are not merely a privilege policy but an important commitment that should be acknowledged by any organization, state or nation. The contemporary legal systems of the world recognize religious rights particularly in today’s multicultural societies. This system has been acknowledged by the international law of human rights and the United Nations Conventions. Religious faith and religious practices are inherently protected by the Constitution of the Republic of Philippines. International law of human rights becomes the basis for a non-Muslim government to provide commitments in promoting spiritual and conventional infrastructures for Muslim minorities. The main objective of this paper is to discuss the national laws that can accommodate Muslim religious rights based on how Islam defines it, in order to achieve a lasting peace in the Philippines. The paper recommends that the universal principle of peace must be contained in the legal reform of every sove...

Arguments on the role of religion in the public sphere have been recently polemical. The apparent intermittent fading and resurgence of religion in the international (political) arena gave rise to the quandary of the place and extent of its theological engagement. In Habermas&#39;s premise, the public sphere of a democratic society must be open to all, pave the avenue for an imperative inclusion and exigent justification of religion&#39;s role and involvement. As Craig Calhoun puts it: &quot;…we endanger the future of the democratic polity if we cannot integrate (religion) into the workings of public reason.&quot; The emergence of a reasoned public sphere is a response to the perplexing influence of religion and the political conflicts it bears. This paper attempts to elucidate the indisponible place and role of religion in the Philippines&#39; public sphere - the recognition of the force of religion as a bipolar vehicle in remediating or exacerbating social-political conflicts and ...

Elizabeth Shakman Hurd

This article introduces the main arguments of Beyond Religious Freedom and situates them in the context of this special issue on the politics of religious freedom in the Asia Pacific. It discusses the intensification of state-sponsored global religious interventionism that led me to write the book, and explains how the questions raised by the new global politics of religion came to seem urgent and important to me. It then presents the book’s central organizing framework of the ‘3 religions’ (expert, lived, and governed) as a set of heuristics for examining these co-productions of religion, law and politics. A final section weaves together insights from other contributors to this special issue with the claims of Chapter 4 of the book to explore the politics of religious freedom in the Asia-Pacific.

Ranilo B. Hermida

Whether religion has a place in the public sphere is a complex issue. Many thinkers believed that the rationalization process of modernity would result in secularization and banish religion into the private sphere. Religion has not only survived; it has even taken an active role in the political affairs of the state. This has been the case in countries like the Philippines where the publicity and activism of the Catholic hierarchy in the political public sphere of the country have been sustained and to some extent dominant. Said publicity and activism are carried out in the name of religion and the pursuit of a religious mandate accordingly. Although the reactions to such public involvement have not always been the same, these varying reactions still make sense in light of some theoretical understanding about the specifically political role of religion in the modern society. The aim of this paper is to make a modest contribution to such understanding by reflecting on the place and function of religion in the public sphere. It trains a special focus on the Philippine experience and employs mainly the view of Jürgen Habermas, an " agnostic and secular thinker " but one who has written extensively on the public sphere and recently revised his stance from thinking that religion will be overtaken by the rationalization of society to admitting that religion has something important to contribute in the public sphere.

Steven Shirley

GUIDED BY GOD: THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND POLITICAL LEGITIMACY IN THE PHILIPPINES Steven B. Shirley Old Dominion University, 2003 Director: Dr. Qiu Jin The developing world is witnessing a growing (some may say disturbing) trend towards &quot;de-secularization&quot; of national governments. This trend has been understudied and misunderstood over the past decade. Government experts and scholars alike too often view this trend through the lens of &quot;threat&quot; analysis and in so doing miss key cultural, historical, and political factors at work. This study attempts to redress this problem. By looking at political legitimacy and the role religious organizations such as the Catholic Church may play, a new understanding of how religious institutions can shape and mold governments and policies emerges. This study focuses specifically on the Republic o f the Philippines and the Catholic Church. The rationale is that Philippines is one o f the most interesting and intriguing nation-states...

International Studies in the Philippines: Mapping New Frontiers in Theory and Practice

Although religious groups still wield influential power in the Philippine political setting, studies exploring their role in shaping Philippine behavior in international affairs are scarce. Previous research surveying the state of political science and international relations in the Philippines lends credence to such claims. While some assumptions were offered to provide explanations to this claim, this chapter aims to contribute to the further development of scholarly inquiries concerning the topic. This chapter explores the role of religious actors in Philippine adoption of international norms despite strong opposition from an influential domestic religious actor. Framing the legislation of the Reproductive Health Law and Divorce Bill as acts of compliance with the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) regimes, this chapter investigates the reason behind the successful institutionalization of the former compared to the latter. Employing the explanatory capability of the epistemic communities approach, this chapter argues that the failure of progressive Christian religious actors to formulate a coherent public theology concerning the morality of reproductive health and marriage dissolution serves as the reason behind the differing outcomes of reproductive health and divorce politics during the tenure of President Benigno Aquino III despite persuasion and pressure coming from both international and domestic political groups.

Religion, Fundamentalism, and Identity Politics

Maria Pilar Lorenzo

Charmaine Yap

Herlambang P. Wiratraman

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In the Philippines, You Can Be Both Openly LGBT and Proudly Catholic. But It’s Not Easy

G abb’z Gabriel is the very definition of a devout Roman Catholic. He even aspired to be a priest. At 12, he became part of his church’s youth ministry in Quezon City, about 10 km from the Philippine capital of Manila. He has attended religious processions of Holy Week flagellants, walking barefoot on sweltering asphalt. Now 35, he’s a regular choir member, and sometimes reads scripture to parishioners. In his free time, he maintains religious statuary and icons used on religious holidays.

Gabriel is just one of the more than 80 million people in the Philippines, about 85% of the population, who profess the Catholic faith. But in a crowd of churchgoers on Black Saturday, he stands out with his shoulder-length black hair, his sleeveless kimono haltered by a pink belt, singing the Lord’s praises in a falsetto voice. “I am a gay man,” he tells TIME. “My gender expression is feminine.”

The Philippines is known to be one of the most LGBT-friendly countries in Asia, despite its deeply entrenched Catholic culture. LGBT people have carved out their own space in the country’s churches, even taking up key roles in spreading the faith. As Catholicism worldwide seeks to reconcile its difficult relationship with sexual orientation and gender expression, this devoutly Catholic Southeast Asian country is an embodiment of both conflict and harmony between doctrinaire teachings on identity and modernity.

Read more : Homophobia Is Not an Asian Value. It’s Time for the East to Reconnect to Its Own Traditions of Tolerance

“I think the acknowledgement that a person has multiple dimensions made it easier for me to live this life,” Gabriel says, of his identity as a gay Catholic. “I am not living separate lives—I’m not living as an LGBT person outside the Church and then a Catholic inside the Church.”

Dialogue, even with conservative fundamentalists opposing his way of life, is how he reconciles his faith with religious doctrines that marginalize him.

With over 1.2 billion members worldwide, the Roman Catholic Church has enormously influenced modern life, laws, and customs. But LGBT rights in Catholic countries have faced strong pushback from conservatives, who cite Bible verses and Church documents to assert their opposition to homosexuality and support their rigid insistence that there are only two genders.

Nevertheless, Catholicism has responded to cultural changes and demands for inclusivity. Pope Francis hinted at these changes as early as 2013, with his famed “Who am I to judge?” remark on gay clergymen. But even his attitude to the LGBT community is complicated: he supports same-sex civil unions , but opposes marriage and gay priests joining the Church . Gender theory for Pope Francis is a “ confused concept of freedom ,” but he welcomes LGBT individuals into the faith and has taken the issue of inclusivity much farther than any of his predecessors, ruffling orthodox feathers.

More from TIME

The Philippines, with its relatively relaxed social norms on LGBT issues, chimes with the Pope’s message. If an LGBT person is visibly professing the faith, the Catholic laity finds them “tolerable,” says Jayeel Cornelio, a sociologist of religion at Ateneo de Manila University.

Folk Catholicism in the Philippines

Pre-colonial animistic religion in the Philippines embraced gender plurality. Indigenous priestesses, known as the babaylan , were revered. While most were female, some were male shamans who “ marry other males and sleep with them .” These men would dress like women, a practice permissible in pre-colonial culture. It was only with the arrival of Spanish conquistadores during the 16th century that the status of the babaylan changed. They were vilified and driven out by Roman Catholic missionaries as Spain sought to impose its religion on the archipelago.

Catholicism has since seeped deep into Filipino life, taking on the fervor of a folk religion for many adherents. During Lent, devotees volunteer to get nailed to a cross as both penance and re-enactment of Jesus Christ’s crucifixion. Before Christmas Eve, many attend a nine-day series of Masses in the belief that their wishes will come true. A fiesta in January sees millions don maroon and yellow in praise of the Black Nazarene , walking barefoot and carrying cloths to wipe on the statue in the belief that the fabric will absorb curative powers.

While great store is set on rituals and festivals such as these, Catholic doctrine is not unquestioningly accepted. A law increasing access to contraceptives was still passed, for example, despite stern opposition from Catholic leaders. “I don’t think there is anyone, not even the most conservative or fundamentalist individual can be 100% consistent with everything that his or her own church proclaims,” Cornelio explains.

So while the Catechism states that “homosexual acts are intrinsically disordered,” LGBT persons in the Philippines have no difficulty identifying as Roman Catholic.

Read more: What Asia’s LGBTQ+ Movement Can Learn From Japan

The Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) stresses that it does not discriminate against those like Gabriel who want to serve. But the LGBT community is also expected “not to change God” and Church doctrines, says Father Jerome Secillano, executive secretary of CBCP’s public affairs committee: “Rather, they should change for God, the Church and its doctrines. And this is true for everyone…God is here to guide the destinies of men. It is not the other way around.”

Catholics against anti-discrimination laws

Around the world, conservative Catholics and other fundamentalist groups have been lobbying against LGBT rights. In the Philippines, a law against discrimination has been languishing in Congress for 20 years. It has support from devout Catholic senators who see equal rights as an extension of the faith, but has run up against determined opposition.

Rey Valmores-Salinas, chairperson of LGBT rights group Bahaghari, blames the Catholic Church and other religious groups for blocking the anti-discrimination law even though “LGBT rights are human rights.”

Some cities have enacted their own anti-discrimination ordinances in the meantime. Absence of these laws can prove to be deadly. Little to no data is available on hate crimes in the Philippines, but data collated by Transgender Europe’s Trans Murder Monitoring project show that at least 77 murders of trans and gender-diverse people took place between 2008 and September 2021. (The report warns that many hate crimes remain undocumented and that the actual number may be much higher.) One of the most notorious cases involved a U.S. Marine who killed a transwoman in 2014. He was later pardoned by President Rodrigo Duterte.

How dialogue can strengthen the Catholic faith

While Gabriel says he abstains from sex with men, and occasionally struggles to reconcile his sexual identity with his religious belief, others from his community are more assertive of their genders and sexual orientation.

Growing up transgender and born into the Catholic Church, Valmores-Salinas said she would not allow herself to be treated as an “abomination.” She argues that if Jesus Christ were on Earth today, the Messiah would stand with the LGBT community. “I think standing up for equality is what it means to be holy,” says Valmores-Salinas, who says she is now agnostic.

Sociologist Cornelio believes younger generations of Catholic laity are showing more impatience with conservative beliefs. The test of that will come soon. As its social influence wanes, the Church is conducting the so-called Synod on Synodality —a two-year listening process billed as the “largest consultation in human history,” with the faithful invited to share their views on the Church’s future direction.

Read more : Philippines Elects First Transgender Congresswoman

Many followers of the Catholic faith, including the LGBT community, hope the process will bring about meaningful change. There are signs: last month, senior Vatican official Sister Nathalie Becquart talked to LGBT Catholics worldwide in an unprecedented dialogue “to foster communion and build a consensus” in order to “discern how the Holy Spirit is calling the Church to move forward.”

If the battle can be won in a socially conservative Catholic country like the Philippines, it can be won anywhere. Gabriel recounts how he once confronted a female parishioner who took offense at his feminine attire while he was singing with the choir during Mass. When he asked her why his appearance bothered her, she was at a loss for words, he says.

“I just told her, ‘I understand. You may not be comfortable seeing someone like me in the church,’” Gabriel tells TIME. “‘But the people that you said were looking at me, approached me after the service and they even congratulated me because our choir performed really well. They do not see me as how I dress, but how I serve.”

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Survey: Young Filipino Muslims feel discriminated against because of religion

Young Filipino Muslims feel that they are being discriminated against because of their religion.

Most of the respondents of a risk perception survey conducted by International Alert among Muslim youth early this year said they feel that they are being discriminated against because of their religion.

The survey was done in a village in the Philippine capital and in the northern city of Baguio during the first quarter of the year.

The survey indicated that 54 percent of young Muslim Filipinos in the village of Maharlika in the city Taguig and 45 percent in the city of Baguio “feel abused because of their religion.”

About 70 percent of the respondents in Taguig and 51 percent in Baguio believe they are “victims of injustice.”

The survey also showed that at least 65 percent of young Muslims in both places agreed that discrimination is widespread in all forms of media.

International Alert released the results of the survey on June 25 as part of a briefer that tackles the Philippines’ proposed anti-terror law.

The group said there is “systematic discrimination against Muslims” who are “easily branded as terrorists and are prone to discriminatory actions.”

In the briefer, the group cited activities and pronouncements by the government and State forces that “show that they specifically target Muslims when going after terrorists.”

In March, the head of the Manila Police District issued a directive to identify and profile all Muslim students “to counter the violent extremism” in the capital region.

The group criticized the lack of laws and policies that “protect Muslims from discrimination.”

“Bills that prohibit discrimination on the basis of race, ethnicity, and religious affiliation have been filed since 2004 in the 13th Congress but none have passed into law,” the group said.

International Alert said wrongful arrests occur because “Muslims are deemed as more likely than the rest of the population to commit violent acts or join terrorist groups.”

“The Anti-Terrorism Bill will only heighten the discrimination against Muslims and other minorities because there are hardly any mechanisms in the bill that safeguard them against the consequences of a discriminatory system,” the group said.

On June 11, at least 250 Muslim lawyers and law students have expressed their “strongest dissent” to the proposed anti-terrorism measures.

In a statement, the group said while they condemn terrorism, they also know that the “overzealous desire to capture the enemy, when sanctioned by law that is bereft of any procedural and substantive safeguards to protect the innocent, is just as dangerous to our lives, liberties, and freedoms.”

“In a legal and social environment that already tolerates de facto warrantless arrests against Moros, this law legalizes it,” the lawyers said.

The lawyers also warned that without any safeguard against unlawful arrest, “state agents will not only be authorized but also emboldened to trample on our freedom.”

“We demand high standards for law enforcement, one that will actively dispense its own role in the protection of the innocent no matter how different they look, talk, or worship,” the statement read.

© Copyright LiCAS.news. All rights reserved. Republication of this article without express permission from LiCAS.news is strictly prohibited. For republication rights, please contact us at: [email protected]

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What are the laws that protect against discrimination in the Philippines?

What are the laws that protect against discrimination in the Philippines：The Philippines has various laws against discrimination, including the 1987 Constitution’s Equal Protection Clause, the Magna Carta of Women (RA 9710), the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act (RA 8371), and the Safe Spaces Act (RA 11313).

Table of Contents

Constitutional Mandate

The 1987 Philippine Constitution is a bedrock legal document that safeguards the rights and freedoms of every Filipino.

Article III, Section 1 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution: Equal Protection Clause

Article III, Section 1 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution explicitly states:

“No person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor shall any person be denied the equal protection of the laws.”

This provision prohibits the government from unduly favoring or discriminating against any individual or group. It seeks to guarantee that laws apply uniformly to all, irrespective of their circumstances, ensuring that no subset of the population receives preferential or prejudicial treatment.

Implications of the Equal Protection Clause

The implications of the Equal Protection Clause are profound. This clause mandates rigorous scrutiny of laws that appear to treat groups differently, requiring justification for compelling state interest. It underpins pivotal rulings in Philippine courts, addressing not just overt discrimination but also unintentional biases. Government and judiciary must align with equal protection’s essence when applying laws.

Labor and Employment

These laws seek to ensure fair treatment, equal opportunity, and a safe working environment for everyone, regardless of gender, age, or other distinguishing characteristics. Two notable laws in this category address discrimination against women in employment and bullying in schools and workplaces.

Republic Act No. 6725: Strengthening the Prohibition on Discrimination Against Women with Respect to Terms and Conditions of Employment

• Objective : This act aims to fortify the rights of women in the workforce, ensuring they are treated on par with their male counterparts.

Provisions :

• Employers are prohibited from discriminating against women in matters of hiring, promotion, training, or assignment.
• It is illegal to dismiss, discharge, or otherwise prejudice a woman employee for reasons related to her gender or marital status.
• Employers are restricted from denying women employees benefits provided by law, including maternity leave.
• Sanctions, including fines and imprisonment, are in place for employers found guilty of violating the act.
• Scope and Application : The act applies to all employers, including those in the private sector , government agencies, and educational institutions.

Republic Act No. 10627: Anti-Bullying Act of 2013 (in schools and workplaces)

• Objective : This legislation aims to protect individuals, especially students, from bullying behaviors, ensuring a safe learning and working environment.
• All elementary and secondary schools are mandated to implement policies to address the act of bullying in their institutions.
• Bullying, as defined by the law, includes any severe or repeated use of written, verbal, or electronic expressions, or physical acts, that cause harm or apprehension.
• Schools are required to provide mechanisms for anonymous reporting of bullying incidents.
• Schools failing to comply with the mandates of the law can face penalties, ranging from administrative sanctions to the revocation of their license or accreditation.

Scope and Application : While primarily targeting schools, the spirit of the law encourages all institutions, including workplaces, to foster environments free from bullying and harassment.

Gender Equality and Women’s Rights

In the Philippines, gender equality and the protection of women’s rights have been pivotal areas of focus and legislative action. The country has witnessed the establishment of several laws, which intend to fortify the rights of women and eliminate any forms of gender-based prejudice or harm. Two prime examples of such laws are the Magna Carta of Women and the Safe Spaces Act.

Republic Act No. 9710: Magna Carta of Women

• Objective : A comprehensive women’s human rights law that seeks to eliminate discrimination against women by recognizing, protecting, fulfilling, and promoting their rights, especially marginalized women.
• Guarantees the civil, political, social, and cultural rights of women, particularly those in marginalized sectors.
• Mandates the state to uphold women’s rights in cases of disasters, crises, and other distressing situations.
• Advocates for equal treatment before the law, meaning women should benefit from development and advancement equally with men.
• Addresses issues of violence against women, ensuring timely and responsive judicial processes.
• Scope and Application : The law encompasses women from all walks of life, with particular emphasis on those belonging to marginalized sectors.

Republic Act No. 11313: Safe Spaces Act (or “Bawal Bastos” Law)

• Objective : This legislation seeks to prevent gender-based sexual harassment from occurring in streets, public spaces, online workplaces, and educational or training institutions.
• Identifies various forms of gender-based street and public spaces harassment, including catcalling, wolf-whistling, unwanted invitations, misogynistic, transphobic, homophobic, and sexist slurs.
• Requires establishments, particularly bars, restaurants, cinemas, malls, and transportation terminals, to install clearly visible anti-sexual harassment warning signs.
• Stipulates that violators face penalties ranging from community service, fines, or even imprisonment depending on the gravity of the offense.
• Scope and Application : The law is applicable in various public and private spaces, ensuring that women and members of the LGBTQ+ community can move freely without fear of harassment or unwanted advances. It encourages a cultural shift, fostering respect and dignity for all, regardless of gender or sexual orientation.

Rights of the Indigenous Peoples

The Philippines, with its rich cultural tapestry, is home to numerous indigenous groups, each with unique traditions, languages, and practices. Recognizing the need to protect and preserve the rights of these indigenous peoples (IPs), the Philippine government has promulgated laws to ensure that IPs not only retain their cultural heritage but also enjoy the same rights and privileges as the rest of the population. Among the most significant laws in this regard is the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA).

Republic Act No. 8371: Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA)

• Objective : To recognize, protect, and promote the rights of indigenous peoples, especially their ancestral domains, cultural integrity, and socio-economic well-being.

Ancestral Domains and Lands : IPs secure ancestral domains, including land, air, and resources.

Self-Governance and Empowerment : Indigenous communities self-govern, pursue own development.

Social Justice and Human Rights : State protects IPs, ensures rights, no discrimination.

Cultural Integrity : The state commits to preserve and protect the culture, traditions, institutions, and sacred places of IPs.

• Scope and Application : This act covers all indigenous cultural communities or indigenous peoples in the Philippines.

Religious and Ethnic Discrimination

The Philippines, being a melting pot of cultures and faiths, prides itself on its diversity. As the only predominantly Christian nation in Asia, with a significant Muslim minority and various indigenous belief systems, it’s crucial to have legislative measures in place to ensure religious and ethnic harmony. The Philippine Constitution and several subsequent laws focus on protecting these rights and upholding the principle of equality.

Protection against Religious Discrimination in the Constitution and Subsequent Legislation

• Objective : To uphold the principle of religious freedom and ensure that no individual or group is discriminated against based on their religious beliefs.

Provisions in the Constitution :

• Freedom of Belief and Religious Worship : Section 5, Article III of the Philippine Constitution guarantees the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship, without discrimination or preference.
• Non-Establishment Clause : The state shall not establish a religion, ensuring that government remains neutral in religious matters.

Subsequent Legislation :

• Legislation on marriage, holidays, and work restrictions takes into account the various religious practices and observances of Filipinos. This includes recognizing Muslim holidays and accommodating specific religious practices in the workplace or educational settings.

Initiatives to Combat Ethnic Discrimination

• Objective : To promote understanding, respect, and unity among the diverse ethnic groups in the Philippines and protect individuals from discrimination based on ethnicity.

Initiatives :

• Cultural Education : Integration of ethnic studies in school curricula, focusing on the history, culture, and contributions of various ethnic groups in the country.
• Public Awareness Campaigns : Spearheaded by government agencies and NGOs to promote understanding and harmony among different ethnic groups. This includes festivals, workshops, and media campaigns highlighting the richness of each ethnic group.
• Legislation : While the Constitution inherently promotes equality of all citizens regardless of ethnicity, there are efforts to enact specific laws that penalize acts of ethnic discrimination. This is especially crucial in regions with a mix of ethnic populations, ensuring that biases and prejudices don’t escalate into larger conflicts.
• Dialogue and Mediation : Establishing community-based mechanisms for dialogue and mediation in areas where ethnic tensions might arise. This is especially relevant in areas of Mindanao where the mix of Moros , Lumads, and Christian settlers has historical complexities.

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Understanding the why and how of Filipino religiosity

Mahar Mangahas’ column on the persistence of Filipino religiosity made for a very informative and provocative reading (“The religiosity of Filipinos,” 4/23/2022). Although surveys capture perceptions and attitudes about events and behaviors, they have one built-in limitation: they do not answer the how and why questions, which are also important in gaining a deep and holistic understanding of the enduring importance of religious faith for most of us. It raises three questions.

The first question is why has religion remained durable and vital for Filipinos across time amid secularizing and pluralizing influences? Everyone’s educated guess may be good as mine. One perhaps is religion’s differentiated function to provide meaning and purpose to life or answers to questions of ultimate value that science or political ideologies seemed not able to match or replace. In addition, there is also empirical evidence that shows a strong and direct link between religiosity and economic status. Thus, it may not be a stretch to say that the lamentable fact that majority of Filipinos are economically vulnerable contributes to their abiding private form of religiosity.

Second, based on the belief that religion is not only about right believing but is also about right living, the other important question to ask is how does religiosity impact one’s day-to-day life? The Bible does not lack statements reminding believers that religious faith without good work is dead, or blessed are those who hear the word of God and obey it. Pope Francis puts it more bluntly: It is not enough to say we are Christians; we must live the faith not only with words but with our actions.

Finally, and since religion and politics are also bedfellows in this country, would it not be too much to ask that, for this fast-approaching May 9 national elections, we allow ourselves to be guided by religion’s shared commitment to the common good when we choose and vote for the most qualified president of our beloved country?

NOEL G. ASIONES [email protected]

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Weaponising Religious Freedom: Same-Sex Marriage and Gender Equality in the Philippines

This article spells out the ways in which religious freedom has been deployed against proponents of same-sex marriage and gender equality in the Philippines. While the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer ( LGBTQ ) community and allies have appealed to religious freedom to gain equal rights under the law, conservative Christian entities have fought back by invoking the same notion. They have appropriated religious freedom, which has historically been interpreted by the courts in favour of individual liberties, to defend majoritarian values surrounding sexuality. This article describes this move as the weaponisation of religious freedom in defence of the dominant religion and an assumed majority of Filipinos whose moral sensibilities are purportedly under attack. Towards the end, the article relates this weaponisation to the experience of the Catholic Church in the contemporary public sphere and the militant character of Christianity that continues to view the Philippines as a Christian nation.

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Essay on Religion In The Philippines

Students are often asked to write an essay on Religion In The Philippines in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Religion In The Philippines

Introduction.

The Philippines, a country in Southeast Asia, is known for its rich culture, which includes diverse religious beliefs. Religion plays a significant role in the lives of Filipinos, influencing their daily activities, traditions, and values.

Major Religions

The most followed religion in the Philippines is Christianity, with Roman Catholicism being the largest denomination. Other Christian groups include Protestants and Philippine Independent Church members. Additionally, Islam is the second largest religion, mainly practiced by the Moro people.

Influence on Society

Religion greatly impacts Filipino society. It shapes their moral values, traditions, and festivals. For instance, the famous Sinulog Festival is a religious event honoring the Santo Niño, or the child Jesus.

Religious Freedom

The Philippines respects religious freedom. The country’s constitution allows everyone to practice their religion freely. This respect for diversity contributes to the peaceful coexistence of different religious groups in the Philippines.

250 Words Essay on Religion In The Philippines

The Philippines is a country with a rich mix of cultures and beliefs. This is mostly due to its history of being a part of different empires and colonies. Today, the country is known for its strong religious faith, with the majority of people practicing Christianity.

Christianity in the Philippines

Christianity is the most followed religion in the Philippines. It was introduced by the Spanish in the 16th century. Now, more than 80% of the population are Roman Catholics. This makes the Philippines the third-largest Catholic country in the world. People go to church every Sunday and also on special holidays. Christmas and Easter are the most important celebrations.

Other Religions

Islam is the second most popular religion in the Philippines. It is mainly practiced in the southern region. There are also other religions like Buddhism, Hinduism, and tribal religions. These are followed by a small number of people.

Religion and Daily Life

Religion plays a big part in the daily life of Filipinos. It guides their actions, decisions, and how they see the world. It is also seen in many festivals and celebrations. These events are filled with music, dance, and lots of food. They are a way for people to show their faith and thank their gods.

In conclusion, religion is a very important part of life in the Philippines. It shapes the way people live, think, and act. Even though there are many different religions, they all teach people to be good and kind to others.

500 Words Essay on Religion In The Philippines

Christianity is the main religion in the Philippines. It was introduced by Spanish colonizers in the 16th century. Today, about 80% of Filipinos are Roman Catholics. They have many traditions and rituals like attending mass, praying the rosary, and celebrating festivals. One famous event is the Sinulog Festival, a colorful celebration in honor of the Santo Niño, or the child Jesus.

Islam in the Philippines

Islam is the second largest religion in the Philippines. It arrived in the country before Christianity, through Arab traders in the 13th century. Most Filipino Muslims live in the southern part of the country, in Mindanao. They are known as Moros, a term given by the Spanish. They have their own unique traditions and customs, such as observing Ramadan, a month of fasting, and celebrating Eid al-Fitr, a feast marking the end of Ramadan.

Other Religions and Beliefs

Religion’s role in society.

Religion is a big part of Filipino life. It influences their values, traditions, and way of life. It is common to see religious symbols in homes, schools, and public places. Religious events and holidays are widely celebrated, like Christmas and Holy Week for Christians, and Eid al-Fitr for Muslims.

In conclusion, religion in the Philippines is diverse and deeply ingrained in the culture. It shapes the country’s history, influences its society, and adds color to its celebrations. Despite the differences in beliefs, Filipinos are known for their respect and tolerance towards other religions, showing the world a beautiful example of religious harmony.

Apart from these, you can look at all the essays by clicking here .

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Racism in the Philippines: Does it matter?

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This is AI generated summarization, which may have errors. For context, always refer to the full article.

The recent spike in racist violence in the United States along with the anti-Muslim “war on terror” led me to wonder about race and racism in the Philippines. 

The experience of racism is nothing new among Filipinos, nor is it so simple. The term “Filipino” after all began as the racial designation for Spaniards born in the Philippines to distinguish them from those born in the Peninsula.

Because of the accident of birth, Filipinos, like Americanos, were regarded as “creoles.” Raised in the supposedly “backward” conditions of the colonies, creoles were treated as a race apart, seen by Europeans as beneath them. It was only in the last years of nineteenth century that youthful nationalists began to re-appropriate “Filipino.” They changed it from a racist term into a nationalist watchword to mean all those who suffered the common fate of Spanish oppression, and who felt a common stake in the future of the colony.  

Nick Joaquin has written suggestively about “Filipino” as a creole identity located in between the white European on top and the dark skinned indio below. Not quite white and not quite native, the racial ambivalence that inheres in “Filipino” is everywhere evident today. On the one hand, there is a tendency to accept white norms of beauty and normalcy that denigrate non-white others. On the other hand, there is also a fascination with and acceptance of these same others once Filipinos come to know them. 

The same can be said about white people.

Filipinos move between suspicion and trust, rejection and acceptance, depending on their relationship with them. Even Filipino-Americans with their white-like accents and behavior, are greeted with a similar ambivalence, regarded as estranged kin as much as foreign presences. We can see this, too, in the treatment of South Asians. The distinctions between and among Indians, Pakistanis and Sri Lankans tend to be conflated into the sinister turban-wearing, child-snatching, “5/6” figure of the “Bombay.” At the same time, there are few obstacles to their integration into successful members of rural and urban communities. 

Koreans, Arabs and African-Americans are treated with similar ambivalence.

Their appearance and smells are the subject of deprecating comments meant to mark out their foreigness. But they are rarely targeted for violent assaults and manage to live relatively undisturbed in Filipino neighborhoods. The Japanese were once hated in the aftermath of World War II, but that memory has been largely set aside and they are now seen as friends and allies. There are no state-sanctioned policies or other institutional barriers to keep foreigners from inter-marrying with locals and living in the country. Their differences can be accounted for and they cease to pose a threat. Indeed, no anti-foreign riots have occurred, to my knowledge, since the seventeenth century pogroms against the Chinese. 

Racial opportunists?

Among Filipinos then, racial feelings are loosely structured, unevenly policed and highly flexible. They run wide but shallow, capable of changing directions, largely dependent on social context. The thinness and contingency of race consciousness makes it seem as if Filipinos were racial opportunists. 

As heirs of a racially liminal identity, it’s not surprising that Filipinos display racial sentiments that are characteristically protean. For example, the Philippines has a long tradition of anti-Chinese racism, as scholars such as Edgar Wickberg, Carol Hau and Richard Chu have pointed out. Spanish and American colonial policies cast the Chinese as foreign Others. Nonetheless, the Spaniards encouraged Christian conversion among the Chinese. They also promoted inter-marriage between Chinese men and Christianized native women as a way of assimilating the former. As a result, entire generations of Chinese mestizos emerged, many of whom made up the earliest generations of nationalists, including Rizal. 

Yet mestizo nationalists, incorporating Spanish prejudices, were often virulently anti-Chinese themselves. This sort of nationalism yoked to anti-Sinicism dressed up as anti-comprador or anti-imperialist politics, is not entirely gone. It still rears its ugly head even within academic and literary circles today. The “Chinese,” imagined as an alien presence, is also seen as polluted and déclassé among the rich, and, in light of the conflict over the West Philippine Sea, grasping and greedy among everyone else. 

American rule further heightened this sense of racial ambiguity. On the one hand, Americans invaded the Philippines in the wake of the most genocidal phase of white settler wars against Indians in the Southwest and at the height of anti-black lynching in many parts of the country. Many of the US officers who were veterans of the Indian wars did not hesitate to use the same exterminatory tactics on Filipino insurgents and civilians. 

On the other hand, the Americans quickly realized they could not simply kill all Filipinos. They needed their help to end the war and govern the colony, and so embarked upon a policy of attraction and Filipinization. Dependent on the collaboration of Filipino creoles and mestizo elites, they could not afford to impose Jim Crow laws in the colony. Instead, socializing across racial lines, especially among colonial elites, became common. Where race relations were concerned, colonial Manila proved to be far more liberal than the segregated metropolis of Washington. 

Still, the racist logic of colonial rule remained unassailable. It was encapsulated in the notion of “benevolent assimilation”: white Protestant males and females tutoring mestizo and brown Catholics and Non-Christian natives in the rudiments of Anglo-Saxon civilization. Filipinos came to incorporate these civilizational notions and saw themselves as more advanced than the non-Christian population of Moros and lumads. Filipino nationalism forged in the crucible of colonialism had an inescapably racist dimension.

Still, conflict always alternated with co-existence and cooperation in the relationship between these groups. As Patricio Abinales has pointed out, Muslim elites were far more politically integrated with the American colonial and Republican government than they had ever been under Spain and after Marcos. Religious differences were never simply cast in racial terms, but always inflected by class, ethno-linguistic and regional distinctions. They were often subsumed, at least in official discourse, by a nationalism that says: in the end, “we” are all Filipinos. However, as the current debates around the BBL show, the nationalization of minority groups tends to be provisional and tenuous. Many Filipinos still regard Moros either as a colonized population with lesser rights, or an alien people who threaten national sovereignty. 

Dealing with lower classes

The use of racially tinged categories to both denigrate and embrace the Other continues to be a common practice among upper and middle class Filipinos when it comes to dealing with the lower classes. Thus are the poor often racialized, treated as if they were a different species altogether. 

As in other countries, the outer limit of middle class life is defined by poverty. The “poor” exist as the accursed Other, living beyond the village gates. They are allowed inside only as servants. Like migrant workers in a foreign country, their movements in and out of the village are closely monitored and regulated by heavily armed security guards. Associated with ignorance and criminality, the poor pose a permanent existential threat to the middle class and the rich. The physical and cultural markers of class segregation – high walls, air conditioned cars, linguistic honorifics – regulate the proximity of the poor and neutralize the dangers coming from this putatively inferior race.

Take for example Vice President Jojo Binay and his family. They have been vilified in the press and social media for their corrupt practices. Mixed with these criticisms, though, is no small amount of racial animus. The Binays are seen as indio usurpers daring to claim for themselves mestizo social privileges. They stand accused not only of corruption but also of not knowing their place in the racial hierarchy. 

The racialized denigration of the poor, however, has another side. They are also idealized in Catholic and nationalist discourses. For the Church, their abjection is construed as an invitation to exercise pity, or awa. Occasioning charitable acts, the poor can help us save our souls. 

For nationalists, the poor comprise the majority and thus make up the “people.” They are thus not only the targets of development but also the agents of national liberation. The rural poor, along with non-Christian groups, are often fetishized as the repositories of cultural authenticity, of real Filipino “values” and pre-colonial “traditions.” This exoticizing regard for the poor and the non-Christian forms a durable substrate of nationalist fantasy. To wit: it is the poor and the non-Christians who are the real agents of historical change. Class differences can eventually be overcome to produce one race – a united nation as progressive as it is compassionate. 

Today, skin color continues to serve as the gauge of social difference and the sign of class inequality. Light skinned mestizos – whether Chinese and European – tend to be endowed with considerable cultural capital regardless of their actual economic standing. The lightness of their skin serves as their calling card. It is the rare politician or celebrity – Nora Aunor comes to mind – who is not light skinned. Darker skinned folks become famous precisely by poking fun at their appearance, unless they are well-paid indios (think Manny Pacqiuao) or Filipino African-American athletes. 

Light is still right: hence, the popularity of skin-lighteners and, for those who can afford it, cosmetic surgery to streamline bodily features along more Caucasian lines. Indeed, it is difficult to imagine any one of any social class preferring to look darker rather than lighter, to have a flatter rather than a straighter nose. Judging from the billboards that populate Manila, light skin continues to be the horizon of popular aesthetic aspiration. Lightness retains a certain socio-cultural caché, whereas darkness brings only ridicule or, at best, indifference. 

Racial injustice

How can we understand the tenacity and flexibility of racial hierarchies? Why does race continue to be this vexed but ambiguous thing, omnipresent yet hard to pin down? And why does it even matter?

Race matters to the extent that racial injustice persists. In the US, white supremacy and the oppression of black people are two sides of the same racial coin. If anything, racism has taken on greater currency in the age of Obama. It is rooted in the unresolved legacy of slavery. If blacks are regarded as inferior to whites, it is because, for over 250 years, the former were legally available as the property of the latter. Slave labor is extorted and uncompensated work sanctioned by the State and exclusive to blacks. Simply put: to be white is to own your labor and its products; to be black is to be owned by whites. Despite a Civil War that abolished slavery and a civil rights movement that sought to restore blacks to full citizenship, problems of inequality and discrimination continue. 

Small wonder, then, that first-generation immigrants – especially Filipinos – seeking to fit into the US quickly learn the language of racism and tend to identify upwards with the more dominant whites. The second generation, however, grows up in the US without the creole entitlement and anxieties of their parents. Instead, they are daily confronted with racial injustice and begin to identify with blacks and Latinos. The generational rift between first and second generation Filipino Americans in part comes out of a radically different understanding of the history and effects of racism and its close relation, sexism, in the US. 

In the Philippines, the situation is, of course, different.

Given the absence of a history of racialized slavery, the problem of race tends to be folded into the language of class. The binary of white supremacy and black oppression are transmuted into the tension between the wealthy and the middle class versus the poor (and the non-Christian). Alternately, anti-Chinese racism also takes on a class character when the Filipino sees himself in the place of the poor native exploited by the wealthy predatory foreigner (even though, of course, most Chinese are neither wealthy nor predatory, much less foreign). 

Once again, we see the protean nature of racial identification. The middle class can assume the position of the white colonizer when confronted with the dark Otherness of the poor. But it can also take on the position of the poor – the “people” in the nationalist imagination – when faced with what it considers to be an exploitive foreign presence. The post-colonial middle class, like its creole predecessor, seemingly can have it both ways. Historically in-between, it draws prestige from above when it feels menaced from below, and takes on prestige from below when threatened from above.   

Prejudices vs OFWs

Let me end with one last example that shows why race matters.

This has to do with OFWs. Among Filipinos, they experience perhaps the most brutal forms of racial injustice, especially domestic workers. In places like Singapore or the Gulf States, they tend to live in slave-like conditions. Unprotected by local laws, they are subject to gross exploitation by recruiters, employers, and even Embassy personnel. They are also vulnerable to being trafficked and sexually abused. Symptomatic of this racial abjection is the way “Filipina” has come to be synonymous with “maid” or “care giver” in many places abroad. 

Like slaves, OFWs are held captive, their movements severely restricted and monitored. Their employers usually keep their passports to prevent them from leaving. They are given very limited days off, or none at all, and they are often forbidden to inter-marry with locals. Those who escape are referred to as “runaways,” as if they were slaves. Local courts treat them as fugitives guilty of breaking their contracts, rather than as victims of abuse. When caught, they are subject to imprisonment and deportation.

Thus are OFWS positioned by the host country as a race apart. Their slave-like conditions reveal with great clarity the tight chains that bind racism with the gendered exploitation of labor that is an integral – and tragic – part of our current history. – Rappler.com

Vicente L. Rafael teaches history at the University of Washington, Seattle . 

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The philippines: religious conflict resolution on mindanao.

August 1, 2013

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Case Studies on Religion and Conflict Project

DISCRIMINATION

Discrimination is harming someone’s rights simply because of who they are or what they believe. discrimination is harmful and perpetuates inequality. it strikes at the very heart of being human..

We all have the right to be treated equally, regardless of our race, ethnicity, nationality, class, caste, religion, belief, sex, gender, language, sexual orientation, gender identity, sex characteristics, age, health or other status. Yet all too often we hear heartbreaking stories of people who suffer cruelty simply for belonging to a “different” group from those in positions of privilege or power.

Discrimination occurs when a person is unable to enjoy his or her human rights or other legal rights on an equal basis with others because of an unjustified distinction made in policy, law or treatment. Amnesty International’s work is rooted in the principle of non-discrimination. Working with communities across the world, we challenge discriminatory laws and practices to ensure all people can enjoy their rights on an equal basis.

Discrimination can take various forms:

Direct discrimination  is when an explicit distinction is made between groups of people that results in individuals from some groups being less able than others to exercise their rights. For example, a law that requires women, and not men, to provide proof of a certain level of education as a prerequisite for voting would constitute direct discrimination on the grounds of sex.

Indirect discrimination  is when a law, policy, or practice is presented in neutral terms (that is, no explicit distinctions are made) but it disproportionately disadvantages a specific group or groups. For example, a law that requires everyone to provide proof of a certain level of education as a prerequisite for voting has an indirectly discriminatory effect on any group that is less likely to have achieved that level of education (such as disadvantaged ethnic groups or women).

Intersectional discrimination  is when several forms of discrimination combine to leave a particular group or groups at an even greater disadvantage. For example, discrimination against women frequently means that they are paid less than men for the same work. Discrimination against an ethnic minority often results in members of that group being paid less than others for the same work. Where women from a minority group are paid less than other women and less than men from the same minority group, they are suffering from intersectional discrimination on the grounds of their sex, gender and ethnicity.

What drives discrimination?

At the heart of all forms of discrimination is prejudice based on concepts of identity, and the need to identify with a certain group. This can lead to division, hatred and even the dehumanization of other people because they have a different identity.

In many parts of the world, the politics of blame and fear is on the rise. Intolerance, hatred and discrimination is causing an ever-widening rift in societies. The politics of fear is driving people apart as leaders peddle toxic rhetoric, blaming certain groups of people for social or economic problems.

Some governments try to reinforce their power and the status quo by openly justifying discrimination in the name of morality, religion or ideology. Discrimination can be cemented in national law, even when it breaks international law – for example, the criminalization of abortion which denies women, girls and pregnant people the health services only they need. Certain groups can even be viewed by the authorities as more likely to be criminal simply for who they are, such as being poor, indigenous or black. 

Toxic rhetoric and demonization

The politics of demonization is on the march across many parts of the world. Political leaders on every continent are advocating hatred on the grounds of nationality, race or religion by using marginalized groups as scapegoats for social and economic ills. Their words and actions carry weight with their supporters; the use of hateful and discriminatory rhetoric is likely to incite hostility and violence towards minority groups.

The dire consequences of this type of demonization have been witnessed in Myanmar, where decades of persecution culminated in 2017 with over 700,000 predominantly Muslim Rohingya having to flee to neighbouring Bangladesh after a  vicious campaign of ethnic cleansing .

In the Philippines , the phenomenon of red-tagging has been happening for decades now but has intensified in the last few years under the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte.

Following the breakdown of peace talks between the government and the CPP in 2017, Duterte’s subsequent  Executive Order (EO) 70 provides for a “Whole-of-Nation approach in defeating the Local Communist Terrorist Groups” and led to the creation of the NTF-ELCAC. Observers point to this moment in time as the beginning of a renewed campaign of red-tagging, threats and harassment against human rights defenders, political activists,  lawyers, trade unionists and other targeted groups perceived to be affiliated with the progressive left.

Some key forms of discrimination

Racial and ethnic discrimination.

Racism affects virtually every country in the world. It systematically denies people their full human rights just because of their colour, race, ethnicity, descent (including caste) or national origin. Racism unchecked can fuel large-scale atrocities such as the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and more recently, apartheid and ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya people in Myanmar.

In India, members of the Dalit community are targeted, by members of dominant castes, for a range of human rights abuses. These crimes, which include gang rapes, killings and the destruction of their homes, often go uninvestigated by the police because of discriminatory attitudes which do not take crimes against Dalits seriously.

Amnesty International has also documented widespread discrimination faced by millions of Roma in Europe, including the threat of forced evictions, police harassment and the  segregation of Romani children in school.

Discrimination against non-nationals, sometimes known as xenophobia

but discrimination against non-nationals is frequently based on racism or notions of superiority, and is often fuelled by politicians looking for scapegoats for social or economic problems in a country.  

Since 2008,  South Africa  has experienced several outbreaks of violence against refugees, asylum seekers and migrants from other African countries, including killings, and looting or burning of shops and businesses. In some instances, the violence has been inflamed by the hate-filled rhetoric of politicians who have wrongly labelled foreign nationals “criminals” and accused them of burdening the health system.

Discrimination has also been a feature of the response of authorities to refugees and asylum seekers in other parts of the world. Many people in countries receiving refugees and asylum-seekers view the situation as a crisis with leaders and politicians exploiting these fears by promising, and in some cases enacting, abusive and unlawful policies.

For example,  Hungary passed a package of punitive laws in 2018 , which target groups that the government has identified as supporting refugees and migrants. The authorities have also subjected refugees and asylum seekers to violent push-backs and ill-treatment and imposed arbitrary detention on those attempting to enter Hungarian territory.

We at Amnesty International disagree that it is a crisis of numbers. This is a  crisis of solidarity . The causes that drive families and individuals to cross borders, and the short-sighted and unrealistic ways that politicians respond to them, are the problem.

Discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) people

Everywhere in the world, people face discrimination because of who they love, who they are attracted to and who they are. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) people risk being unfairly treated in all areas of their lives, whether it’s in education, employment, housing or access to health care, and they may face harassment and violence.

Some countries punish people for their sexual orientation or their gender identity with jail or even death. For example, in October 2019, Uganda’s Ethics and Integrity Minister announced that the government was planning to introduce the  death penalty  for consensual same-sex sexual acts.

In 2019, Amnesty International documented how gay and trans soldiers in  South Korea  face violence, harassment and pervasive discrimination due to the criminalization of consensual sex between men in the military; and examined the barriers to accessing gender-affirming treatments for transgender individuals in  China . We also campaigned to allow Pride events to take place in countries such as Turkey, Lebanon and Ukraine.

It is extremely difficult, and in most cases, impossible for LGBTI people to live their lives freely and seek justice for abuses when the laws are not on their side. Even when they are, there is strong stigma and stereotyping of LGBTI identities that prevents them from living their lives as equal members of society or accessing rights and freedoms that are available to others. That’s why LGBTI activists campaign relentlessly for their rights: whether it’s to be free from discrimination to love who they want, have  their gender legally recognized  or to just be protected from the risk of assault and harassment.

See  here  for more information about Amnesty International’s work on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex rights.

Gender discrimination

In many countries, in all regions of the world, laws, policies, customs and beliefs exist that deny women and girls their rights.

By law, women cannot dress as they like (Saudi Arabia, Iran) or work at night (Madagascar) or take out a loan without their husband’s signature (Equatorial Guinea). In many countries, discriminatory laws place limits on a woman’s right to divorce, own property, exercise control over her own body and enjoy protection from harassment.  

In the ongoing battle for justice, hundreds of thousands of women and girls take to the streets to claim their human rights and demand gender equality. In the USA, Europe and Japan, women protested against misogyny and abuse as part of the #MeToo marches. In Argentina, Ireland and Poland, women demonstrated to demand a stop to oppressive abortion laws. In Saudi Arabia, they called for an end to the driving ban, and in Iran, they demanded an end to forced  hijab  (veiling).

All over the world, women and girls have been at the forefront of demands for change.  

Yet despite the stratospheric rise of women’s activism, the stark reality remains that many governments around the world openly support policies, laws and customs that subjugate and suppress women.

Globally, 40% of women of childbearing age live in countries where abortion remains highly restricted or inaccessible in practice even when allowed by law, and some 225 million do not have access to modern contraception.

Research by Amnesty International confirmed that while social media platforms allow people to express themselves by debating, networking and  sharing  , companies and governments have failed to protect users from online abuse, prompting many  women  in particular to self-censor or leave platforms altogether.

However, social media has given more prominence in some parts of the world to women’s calls for equality in the workplace, an issue highlighted in the calls to narrow the gender pay gap, currently standing at 23% globally. Women worldwide are not only paid less, on average, than men, but are more likely to do unpaid work and to work in informal, insecure and unskilled jobs. Much of this is due to social norms that consider women and their work to be of lower status.

Gender-based violence disproportionately affects women, ; yet it remains a human rights crisis that politicians continue to ignore.

Discrimination based on caste

Discrimination based on work and descent (also referred as caste discrimination) is widespread across Asia and Africa, affecting over 260 million people, including those in the diaspora. Owing to their birth identity, people from these communities are socially excluded, economically deprived and subjected to physical and psychological abuse. Discrimination based on work and descent is deeply rooted in society, it manifests itself in everyday lives, in individual perceptions to culture and customs, in social and economic structures, in education and employment, and in access to services, opportunities, resources and the market. Discrimination is perpetuated from generation to generation, and is in some cases deeply internalized, despite the existence in some countries of laws and affirmative action to tackle it. Amnesty International is committed to work in tandem with partners in advocating for the rights of communities affected on the basis of work and descent.  

Discrimination based on disability

As many as 1 in 10 people around the world lives with a disability. Yet in many societies, people with disabilities must grapple with stigma, being ostracized and treated as objects of pity or fear.

Developing countries are home to about 80 per cent of people with disabilities. The overwhelming majority of people with disabilities – 82 per cent – live below the poverty line. Women with disabilities are two to three times more likely to encounter physical and sexual abuse than women without disabilities.

In  Kazakhstan , current laws mean that thousands of people with psychosocial and intellectual disabilities have been declared “incapable” by law and put in the care of a guardian. Under this system they cannot exercise their rights and are not able to challenge the decision in court.

Amnesty International has also documented serious human rights abuses suffered by people with disabilities in  Somalia , where they are at risk of forced marriage, rape and forced evictions.

The solution: What is Amnesty calling for?

Governments to:

• Get rid of discriminatory laws and release anyone who is in prison because of them.
• Protect everyone – whoever they are – from discrimination and violence.
• Introduce laws and policies that promote inclusion and diversity in all aspects of society.
• Take action to tackle the root causes of discrimination, including by challenging stereotypes and attitudes that underpin discrimination.

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