simple research report about body shaming

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The Role of Body Shame and Age on Appearance-Based Exercise and Positive Body Image in Women from Poland: Preliminary Results of a Cluster Analysis

Associated data.

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

The aim of this study has been to analyse whether body shame and age may play a role in appearance-based exercise and positive body image in Women from Poland. It was assumed that women with high body shame and at the stage of young adulthood have significantly greater levels of appearance-based exercise and lower positive body image than those with a low level of body shame and at the stage of middle adulthood. The final sample included 234 Polish women (age: M = 31.58, SD = 13.93; body mass index: M = 23.45, SD = 4.72). Participants completed: the Objectified Body Consciousness Scale (OBCS), the Exercise Appearance Motivations Scale (EAMS), the Body Appreciation Scale-2 (BAS-2) and a socio-demographic survey. The cluster analysis technique indicated four distinct clusters: (a) Cluster 1 ( N = 83): high body shame and young adulthood; (b) Cluster 2 ( N = 29): high body shame and middle adulthood; (c) Cluster 3 ( N = 88): low body shame and young adulthood; (d) Cluster 4 ( N = 34): low body shame and middle adulthood. The outcomes partially support the hypothesis, as higher levels of almost all subscales related to appearance-based exercise (EAMS: “muscularity”, “societal pressures”, “shape/weight concerns”, “avoidance/shame”) and lower positive body image (BAS-2) were observed in women with high body shame and at the stage of young adulthood compared with women with a low level of body shame and at the stage of middle adulthood. These results indicate that both body shame and age may contribute to the intensity of appearance-based exercise and positive body image deterioration. Clarity on this issue is essential to ensure that an appropriate preventive activity and interventions are made which will be able to take into account the specific sociocultural context in Poland.

1. Introduction

Since the 1990s the objectification theory has been the basis for multiple studies taking into account the basic components of this structure, such as body shame, body surveillance and control beliefs [ 1 , 2 , 3 ]. Many of these analyses focused on the subject of experiences related to the human body, including body image in particular, e.g., [ 4 , 5 , 6 ]. Body image is defined as a subjective mental representation of one’s own body and appearance [ 7 , 8 ]. It is a multidimensional concept that has to do with the thoughts and beliefs, emotions, and behaviours related to the body [ 7 , 8 ]. Body image is a social construction and is a factor that affects females as well as males [ 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 ]. What is important, however, is how the social perception of women’s bodies affects the formation and maintenance of body image in this group [ 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 ]. This is mentioned, among others, by the Tripartite Influence Model of Body Image [ 8 , 10 , 11 , 12 ]. It assumes that the media, peers and family are the main source of information about what kind of body is desirable and considered attractive (standards of appearance in society). These three sociocultural sources of influence may strengthen the tendency to compare one’s body with the “ideal”, which may often be impossible to achieve for most people and/or have a strong negative impact on physical and mental health. This feminine beauty ideal is internalized over time and may directly lead to strong body dissatisfaction (and related body shame) and indirectly to the appearance of symptoms of eating disorders, symptoms of depression and deterioration of overall mental functioning [ 8 , 10 , 11 , 12 ]. Importantly in this context, previous research shows that women may be at increased risk for developing the difficulties described above, as they seem to be more susceptible to body shaming compared to men [ 9 ], which is consistent with reports indicating a clearly stronger objectification of the female body in Western countries (related to, inter alia, treating the body as an object that should meet certain standards, including being a source of sexual pleasure for others (sexualization)) and more frequent identification of a woman’s worth through the prism of her appearance than in the group of men [ 13 , 14 ].

When discussing body image, it should be mentioned that it can be positive or negative [ 15 , 16 ]. When analysing the literature, it is easy to notice that there are many studies showing that negative body image is associated with body shame, e.g., [ 6 ]. However, little is known about how shame towards the body can affect the construct of a positive body image. It seems important to conduct research in this area due to the fact that, as the world experts in the field of body image examination indicate, a positive body image is a structure separate from a negative body image [ 16 ]. This means that a positive body image is not the opposite side of the continuum for positive body image (a positive body image is therefore not just an expression of a low level of negative body image) [ 16 ]. Positive image may be understood as love and respect for your own body expressed, inter alia, through [ 16 , 17 ]: (a) accepting your own body (even if it does not conform to idealized standards of beauty), (b) appreciating the uniqueness of the body and functions it can perform in our lives, (c) feeling comfortable and being happy in relation to your body, (d) the ability and tendency to appreciate the values of one’s body, and not to focus too much on its flaws. It is therefore worth verifying whether the direction of the relationship between body shame and positive body image will be consistent with the outcomes from research on negative body image—i.e., whether a high level of shame will favour a low level of positive body image, e.g., [ 6 , 18 , 19 ].

Feeling negative emotions towards the body may predispose a person to take various actions that will allow change to a selected unaccepted aspect of corporeality (e.g., weight, figure, musculature) or general attitude to their own body [ 7 , 8 , 20 , 21 ]. However, these activities are not always pro-health because it is not uncommon for people to forget about health while practising physical activity, and not adjust the type and intensity of exercise to their abilities (e.g., anorexia nervosa, muscle dysmorphia, compulsive exercise; [ 22 ]). Moreover, a lot of research on body image, and emotions related to it as well as physical activity, focuses on, e.g., [ 23 , 24 ]: (1) negative body image (there are few publications on positive body image), (2) the intensity of physical activity (without analysing in detail the motives for undertaking it). It is also crucial to mention that the intensity of a physical activity alters with age, which may also be associated with a change in the motives for engaging in it [ 25 , 26 ]. Therefore, in order to deepen the knowledge so far, it may be worth taking a closer look at the relationship between shame towards the body and motives for undertaking physical activity related to body image.

Importantly, younger women are characterized by a higher level of self-objectification than older women [ 27 ]. Therefore, in addition to the information presented above, in these analyses it seems important to take into account the age of the subjects, which, as can be concluded on the basis of previous studies, can be a differentiating factor for both body image and physical activity, e.g., [ 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 ]. While these studies often yield conflicting results, there are a number of them showing that over the years women begin to pay more attention to the health aspect of the body and its functionality rather than appearance itself [ 28 , 29 , 30 ] and this may result in the fact that a physical activity is practiced in many cases more to maintain health and the above-mentioned functionality than simply to lose weight and have a body in accordance with the current “beauty standards”.

Although knowledge about the relationship between self-objectification, physical activity and body image has increased in diverse populations [ 32 ], research and knowledge on body shame, motives for exercise, positive body image and the role of age in Polish women remains limited. Considering that body shame can lead to serious consequences such as eating disorders, depression and sexual dysfunction [ 33 ], it is vital to develop a fuller understanding of this issue in Polish women. Moreover, clarity on this issue is essential to ensure that an appropriate preventive activity and interventions are made which will be able to take into account the specific sociocultural context in Poland.

Therefore, the aim of this study has been to analyse whether body shame and age may play a role in appearance-based exercise and positive body image in women from Poland. It was assumed that women with high body shame and at the stage of young adulthood have significantly greater levels of appearance-based exercise and lower positive body image than those with a low level of body shame and at the stage of middle adulthood.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. participants and procedure.

This preliminary study was carried out from July to September 2022. All procedures were conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki and the study was approved by the Ethics Committee. All participants were informed about the purposes of the study, and participation was voluntary (without remuneration) and anonymous. Women were recruited via online advertising and snowball sampling. Participants interested in the study contacted the researcher and were included in the study (first step—consent to participate in the study; second step—completing the online survey).

The women came from the general population and were volunteers (a non-probability sampling technique). The two primary inclusion criteria were: (a) age over 18, (b) being female. Estimating the minimum sample size, the following recommendations were taken into consideration—“sample sizes of N = 20 to N = 30 per expected subgroup” [ 34 ] and “a sample size between 60 * k and 70 * k, where k equals the number of features” [ 35 ].

The final sample included 234 Polish women who ranged in age from 18 to 60 years ( M = 31.58, SD = 13.93) and in self-reported body mass index (BMI) from 14.87 to 44.92 kg/m 2 ( M = 23.45, SD = 4.72). With regard to education, 2.56% ( N = 6) completed primary, 45.30% ( N = 106) secondary or technical school, and 52.14% ( N = 122) had a higher education.

2.2. Measures

2.2.1. the objectified body consciousness scale.

Body shame was measured with the Objectified Body Consciousness Scale (OBCS), which has an adequate validity and reliability [ 36 , 37 ]. The Polish version of the OBCS covers 24 items making up 3 subscales related to objectification (“body shame”, “body surveillance”, “control beliefs”) to which participants respond on a 5-point scale (from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree”). The higher the score, the higher the objectification measured by each subscale [ 27 , 28 ]. In this study, only one subscale was used—body shame—for which Cronbach’s alpha coefficient (reliability) was 0.89.

2.2.2. The Exercise Appearance Motivations Scale

Appearance-based exercise was examined with the Exercise Appearance Motivations Scale (EAMS), which has an adequate validity and reliability [ 38 ]. The EAMS covers 32 items making up 5 subscales (“muscularity”, “appearance”, “societal pressures”, “shape/weight concerns”, “avoidance/shame”) to which participants respond on a 7-point scale (from “definitely disagree” to “definitely agree”). The higher the score, the greater the endorsement of appearance-based motives for exercise [ 38 ]. In this study, all subscales were used for which Cronbach’s alpha coefficients (reliability) were: (a) muscularity: 0.93, (b) appearance: 0.94, (c) societal pressures: 0.87, (d) shape/weight concerns: 0.96, (e) avoidance/shame: 0.94.

2.2.3. The Body Appreciation Scale-2

Positive body image was assessed with the Body AppreciationScale-2 (BAS-2), which has an adequate validity and reliability [ 39 , 40 ]. The BAS-2 covers 10 items making up a total score related to body appreciation. In this measure participants respond on a 5-point scale (from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree”). The higher the score, the higher positive body image (body appreciation) [ 39 , 40 ]. Cronbach’s alpha coefficient (reliability) was 0.96.

2.2.4. Socio-Demographic Variables

Women also completed a socio-demographic survey (age, weight, height, educational qualification). Body mass index was calculated based on the self-reported weight and height [ 41 ]. With regard to age (using one of the more common theories, Erikson’s development), two age groups were distinguished: (a) young adulthood: from 18 to 40 years old, (b) middle adulthood: from 40 to 65 years old [ 42 , 43 ].

2.3. Statistical Analysis

IBM SPSS Statistic version 26 was used to carry out a two-step cluster analysis (with Schwarz’s Bayesian criterion) to identify clusters based on body shame and age (both variables are continuous) in women from Poland [ 44 ]. Not all assumptions for parametric methods have been met. Therefore, a Kruskal–Wallis test (with the Bonferroni adjusted p -value in the post hoc multiple comparisons) was used to evaluate differences between the clusters with regard to appearance-based exercise and positive body image (body appreciation). The significance level was defined as p < 0.05.

3.1. Cluster Analysis of Body Shame and Age

The cluster analysis technique indicated four distinct clusters ( Table 1 ): (a) Cluster 1 ( N = 83): high body shame ( M = 30.05) and young adulthood ( M age = 23.25); (b) Cluster 2 ( N = 29): high body shame ( M = 25.00) and middle adulthood ( M age = 51.76); (c) Cluster 3 ( N = 88): low body shame ( M = 15.70) and young adulthood ( M age = 23.74); (d) Cluster 4 ( N = 34): low body shame ( M = 11.15) and middle adulthood ( M age = 54.97).

Body mass index and education level in the four clusters.

** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001.

Table 1 contains information on the comparisons of clusters in terms of BMI and educational qualification.

3.2. Comparison of the Four Clusters for Appearance-Based Exercise and Positive Body Image

The analysis with the usage of Kruskal–Wallis’ test indicated a significant effect of clusters on appearance-based exercise (all subscales of EAMS) and positive body image (total score of BAS-2—body appreciation). Table 2 presents results of multiple comparisons.

Post hoc tests.

EAMS—the Exercise Appearance Motivations Scale; BAS-2—the Body Appreciation Scale-2; * p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001, †   p = 0.073, ††   p = 0.055.

Referring to the most important findings, these results indicated that Cluster 1 (high body shame and young adulthood) had significantly greater levels of almost all exercise motives related to appearance (“muscularity”, “societal pressures”, “shape/weight concerns”, “avoidance/shame”) and a significantly lower level of positive body image than Cluster 4 (low body shame and middle adulthood). Interestingly, significant differences between these groups were not observed only in relation to the “appearance” subscale.

In relation to the rest of the outcomes, these significant differences were found with regard to “societal pressures”, “shape/weight concerns”, “avoidance/shame” and “body appreciation” between Cluster 1 and Cluster 3 (low body shame and young adulthood). In turn, for “appearance” the differences between Cluster 1 and Cluster 3 were at p = 0.073 and for “muscularity” were insignificant.

Moreover, Cluster 2 (high body shame and middle adulthood) scored significantly higher on “societal pressures” and “avoidance/shame”, and lower on “body appreciation” than Cluster 4 (for “shape/weight concerns” p = 0.055). Cluster 3 also had higher scores on the “muscularity” subscale and lower ones on body appreciation than Cluster 4.

In terms of other comparisons between clusters, no significant differences were obtained.

4. Discussion and Summary

The outcomes partially support the hypothesis, as higher levels of almost all subscales related to appearance-based exercise (“muscularity”, “societal pressures”, “shape/weight concerns”, “avoidance/shame”) and lower positive body image were observed in women with high body shame and at the stage of young adulthood compared with women with a low level of body shame and at the stage of middle adulthood. These results indicate that both body shame and age may contribute to the intensity of appearance-based exercise and positive body image deterioration. The results are consistent with some reports cited in the theoretical introduction, e.g., [ 6 , 18 , 19 ]. It may therefore mean that women in the younger age group feel greater shame about their body, which may be related to the fact that standards of appearance are more intensely internalized by this group, and social pressure to have the “perfect body” is more intense [ 45 , 46 ]. This is conducive to taking up behaviours that are aimed at changing those aspects of body that can nowadays be considered as determinants of attractiveness (e.g., muscularity, e.g., [ 45 , 47 ]). Moreover, it is the group (high body shame, young adulthood) that, due to strong pressure, may feel the greatest fear about their body and its inconsistency with the ideal, and undertake various types of behaviour to avoid criticism and negative assessment of appearance from other people [ 33 , 48 ]. All these behaviours (especially a tendency to avoidance behaviours, e.g., avoidance of the usage of tight clothing, situations related to meals, social meetings in which the body is exposed, looking at themselves in the mirror) will foster fear related to the body and decrease the positive attitude towards one’s own body [ 48 , 49 ]. In practice this means that a woman: (a) will not accept her body due to the fact that it does not conform to the standard of “beauty” in force, (b) will not take into account the fact that every human body is unique and exceptional, and external appearance is also influenced by genetic factors, (c) will not feel comfortable in her body and will feel such emotions as, among others, sadness, fear and guilt in connection with it, (d) will focus excessively on her own body’s faults and will not appreciate its benefits, (e) will become convinced that the basic determinant of a person’s value is their external appearance. However, in order to verify exactly whether this mechanism works in this way (described above), further experimental or longitudinal studies should be carried out in this area, for which the results of this preliminary study may be indicative.

Moreover, some of the remaining (additional) comparisons between clusters confirm the assumption about the importance of shame for engaging in maladaptive behaviours, as evidenced by the differences between clusters 2 and 4, as well as 1 and 3. These results indicate that, if we compare groups that are identical in terms of age but differ in the level of shame, people experiencing a high level of body shame are characterized by less correct functioning in the selected subscales of EAMS and the BAS-2 scale. It may mean that, regardless of age, shame towards the body may foster problematic behaviours towards the body and consolidation of negative beliefs about it. Importantly, drawing attention to the fact that the aspect described in the theory of objectification—body shame—is so important may be crucial because, as it is well known, the mechanisms described above significantly increase the risk of the emergence of, among other things, eating disorders, muscle dysmorphia, performing plastic surgeries harmful to health, depression and compulsive exercise [ 24 , 33 , 50 , 51 , 52 ].

When analysing the context related to practising physical activity, it should be remembered that whether physical activity is pro-health also depends on the underlying motivation [ 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 ]. If physical exercise is practiced solely for the purpose of altering appearance and/or body/weight control, it may favour the development of compulsive exercise, which is known to have numerous negative consequences for physical and mental health (including eating disorders) and social functioning [ 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 ].

These studies were only preliminary studies and have certain limitations. The main ones are [ 29 , 58 ]: (a) small sample size, (b) age and educational differences (which may be a factor that may distort the results), (c) voluntary sampling, (d) cross-section studies (not able to infer cause and effect), (e) subjective measures, (f) lack of in-depth analysis of other types of motivation to exercise (e.g., due to health, to regulate emotions; e.g., The Exercise Motivations Inventory-2). Due to the above-mentioned information and the fact that, although the measures used have good reliability and validity, not all of them have been previously validated in a representative Polish sample, the obtained results should be approached with caution (because the outcomes may have a significant bias). Therefore, it is necessary to conduct further analyses in order to verify the previous reports and obtain an even better and clearer picture in terms of variables related to the objectification theory, physical activity, body image and age. Importantly, when undertaking further research attempts, one should especially take into account age differences and conditions typical for age, and consider designing a survey together with an objective measurement (e.g., body composition).

Undertaking further research in the scope described above is also crucial as, so far, many analyses have focused mainly on younger people, and knowledge of the analysed issues (i.e., body shame, motivation to exercise, positive body image) and the relationship between them in older women is limited. Therefore, it makes it difficult to prepare appropriate prevention and intervention programs, which would take into account, inter alia, the “age” factor. Knowledge in this area may prove helpful in building pro-health motives for practising a physical activity and developing skills in the field of adaptative behaviours related to taking care of your own body. It may also be important for the reason that it will favour the acceptance of the aging process and related body changes in the older age group, and thus protect people against deterioration of quality of life [ 29 , 59 , 60 ]. Moreover, the prevalence of the above-mentioned disorders (i.e., eating disorders) has increased recently in older women, and knowledge of the factors contributing to this phenomenon in this group is still very limited, e.g., [ 61 ]. Therefore, knowing that shame related to the body can also be significant in older women, it is worth exploring the operation of these mechanisms.

Funding Statement

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Institutional Review Board Statement

The study was conducted according to the guidelines of the Declaration of Helsinki, and approved by the Ethics Committee.

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

Conflicts of interest.

The author declares no conflict of interest.

Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

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Body Shaming: an Exploratory Study on its Definition and Classification

• Section Applied Social Psychology
• Applied Social Psychology

Research output : Contribution to journal › Article › Academic › peer-review

• Appearance teasing
• Body shaming
• Cyberbullying
• Social media

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• 10.1007/s42380-021-00109-3

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• Exploratory Study Computer Science 100%
• Cyberbullying Computer Science 100%
• Teasing Psychology 100%
• Body Shame Keyphrases 100%
• classification INIS 100%
• Social Media Computer Science 50%
• Related Concept Computer Science 50%
• Negative Impact Computer Science 50%

T1 - Body Shaming

T2 - an Exploratory Study on its Definition and Classification

AU - Schlüter, Constanze

AU - Kraag, Gerda

AU - Schmidt, Jennifer

N1 - Publisher Copyright: © 2021, The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG.

PY - 2023/3

Y1 - 2023/3

N2 - Body shaming (BS) is a popular term for a type of negative social interaction, which frequently occurs in social media. However, there is a lack of a clear scientific definition of BS and data on its relation to other concepts in social aggression research. The present study therefore aimed at providing a definition and classification of BS. In an exploratory online-study, 25 participants (60%) provided personal definitions of BS and rated the fit of a suggested definition. In addition, they reported similarities with and differences to related concepts (appearance teasing, cyberbullying, trolling). We conducted qualitative analyses of the verbal definitions guided by the Grounded Theory approach and quantified the fit to existing concepts in the field of social aggression. The results show that BS is perceived as an unrepeated act in which a person expresses unsolicited, mostly negative opinions/comments about a target’s body, without necessarily intending to harm him/her. Still, the target perceives the comments as negative. BS can range from well-meant advice to malevolent insults and it can occur online and offline. Participants saw similarities between BS and appearance teasing. BS can be a tool for trolling and can evolve to cyberbullying with repetition over time. Altogether, BS is a form of social aggression that has a negative impact on individuals. The definition and classification help to investigate BS and its effects on body image and mental health in future research.

AB - Body shaming (BS) is a popular term for a type of negative social interaction, which frequently occurs in social media. However, there is a lack of a clear scientific definition of BS and data on its relation to other concepts in social aggression research. The present study therefore aimed at providing a definition and classification of BS. In an exploratory online-study, 25 participants (60%) provided personal definitions of BS and rated the fit of a suggested definition. In addition, they reported similarities with and differences to related concepts (appearance teasing, cyberbullying, trolling). We conducted qualitative analyses of the verbal definitions guided by the Grounded Theory approach and quantified the fit to existing concepts in the field of social aggression. The results show that BS is perceived as an unrepeated act in which a person expresses unsolicited, mostly negative opinions/comments about a target’s body, without necessarily intending to harm him/her. Still, the target perceives the comments as negative. BS can range from well-meant advice to malevolent insults and it can occur online and offline. Participants saw similarities between BS and appearance teasing. BS can be a tool for trolling and can evolve to cyberbullying with repetition over time. Altogether, BS is a form of social aggression that has a negative impact on individuals. The definition and classification help to investigate BS and its effects on body image and mental health in future research.

KW - Appearance teasing

KW - Body shaming

KW - Cyberbullying

KW - Social media

KW - Trolling

U2 - 10.1007/s42380-021-00109-3

DO - 10.1007/s42380-021-00109-3

M3 - Article

SN - 2523-3653

JO - International Journal of Bullying Prevention

JF - International Journal of Bullying Prevention

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The Hidden Impact of Body Shaming and Self-Objectification

Our society shames us into hating our bodies. we can undo this..

Updated July 14, 2024 | Reviewed by Margaret Foley

• Body shaming has long-lasting implications for our mental health.
• The media is not the only way of triggering self-objectification.
• Undoing plastic surgery is not just a matter of body acceptance, it’s also about health.

Over the past decades, researchers have demonstrated the negative effects of body shaming and self–objectification on our mental health. People who experience body shaming, for example through bullying , and people who self-objectify are statistically more likely to experience depression , anxiety , disordered eating , and other mental illnesses ( Onwuka and colleagues, 2024 ; Tiggeman and Slater, 2019 ; Grabe and colleagues, 2007 ). Body shaming and self-objectification are well-known to occur through the media. We see someone we perceive as smarter, prettier, or better than us, and the media likely strengthens this idea by glorifying the person’s appearance and accomplishments. We start feeling that we are not good enough, that our bodies are ugly, deformed, or wrong. How much we expose ourselves to media content correlates with our propensity to self-objectify in both adolescents and adults ( Tiggeman and Slater, 2019 ; Moradi and Huang, 2008 ).

What is less appreciated, and harder to accept, is that body shaming and self-objectification happen in our everyday life. Friends at school may point out parts of our bodies as different or “ugly,” or healthcare providers may put into question whether your body is “normal.” I recently interviewed dietitian Julie Cole about her experiences with body shame and the long-lasting consequences it has had on her mental health, and I believe that her story needs to be told.

The role of the healthcare system, clothing industry, and our social networks

In middle school, Julie was bitten in the face by a dog, landing her in a surgery room. During this traumatic medical ordeal, the doctor presented Julie with an additional proposition: "We can fix your nose while we are at it."

This was neither the first nor the last encounter Julie would have with society’s disapproval of her body.

It’s difficult to trace Julie’s first experience with body shaming, but it’s reasonable to believe it was in a clothing shop. In this case, the shaming came from people from afar: clothing designers. Julie’s body did not conform to mainstream standards, which meant that professional tailoring became a standard part of her shopping plans. According to a 2022 poll , 67 percent of people say they struggle with finding clothing items that fit their size.

Despite growing up with a superbly supportive mother who embraced Julie just the way she was, adolescence was a tough time. Peers and family members started commenting on her body: The size and shape of her butt, ribs, and breasts were somehow seen as public topics for anyone to have an opinion on. Unsolicited body comments are not just unwelcome, they are harmful. For Julie, these experiences from the healthcare system, clothing industry, and her social network caused her to doubt her body’s value, leading her down the path of self-objectification: She started perceiving her body as an object that needed to conform to society’s ideals.

Undoing the consequences of self-objectification, only to experience further body-shaming

At 21, Julie underwent breast implant surgery. She wanted to look like what society expected. Yet, as she embarked on this journey, her surgeon pointed to her ribs, bluntly stating, "I cannot fix that." No decision, even when it’s conforming with societal standards, is free from body shaming. Between 58 and 73 percent of people around the world report being belittled by their doctors because of their size ( Puhl and colleagues, 2021 ). It is less established how often people receive bullying comments about non-weight-related body parts.

Sixteen years later, Julie had her breast implants removed, a decision that was littered with unsolicited comments and opinions from doctors, nurses, colleagues, and partners. The breast implant surgery had neither helped Julie establish a healthy body image nor obliterated society’s objectification of her body. As a dietitian who promotes health at every size, Julie felt inauthentic carrying breast implants. Instead of highlighting her faults, the people around her found a new, shared interest in discussing her sexualized features, publicly welcoming her with greetings like, “Come rub those titties on me.”

But when she went to her doctor to have the implants removed, he attempted to dissuade her, saying that she would be left “deformed.” Julie felt completely trapped and at a loss. In an attempt to comply with society’s standards, she inadvertently brought herself closer to society’s notion of deformity.

A matter of living

Julie’s decision to remove her implants was not just a matter of her mental health. It was a matter of her physical well-being. Four years after the breast implant surgery, one of the capsules ruptured, leading to chronic and intense pain, and requiring a total revamp of the surgery. A few years later, she constantly started feeling unwell, experiencing fatigue, memory loss, rashes, and joint pain. Julie was experiencing breast implant illness , a complication that affects up to 5 percent of everyone who receives breast implant surgery ( Lieffering and colleagues, 2022 ). To date, the most effective treatment is breast implant removal, or “explant surgery.”

Julie defied her doctor’s recommendation and went ahead with the explant surgery. The journey to full recovery, mentally and physically, was tough. Julie now carries immense wisdom on how self-objectification and body shaming can harm both mind and body. She has learned that acceptance starts from within, acknowledging that it doesn't always have to be positive but should not be consistently negative.

As you walk away from this article, there is one sentence Julie said to me that I want you to remember: It’s not hating my body as much as frustration with society.

Grabe, S., Hyde, J. S., & Lindberg, S. M. (2007). Body Objectification and Depression in Adolescents: The Role of Gender, Shame, and Rumination. Psychology of Women Quarterly , 31 (2), 164-175. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.2007.00350.x

Lieffering, A. S., Hommes, J. E., Ramerman, L., Rakhorst, H. A., Mureau, M. A. M., Verheij, R. A., & van der Hulst, R. R. W. J. (2022). Prevalence of Local Postoperative Complications and Breast Implant Illness in Women With Breast Implants. JAMA network open , 5 (10), e2236519. https://doi.org/10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2022.36519

Moradi, B., & Huang, Y.-P. (2008). Objectification Theory and Psychology of Women: A Decade of Advances and Future Directions. Psychology of Women Quarterly , 32 (4), 377-398. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.2008.00452.x

Onwuka, C. P., Ajaelu, C. C., & Ucheagwu, V. (2024). “The Mirror Has Its Disease”: Examining the Relationship Between Body Image Shame And Mental Health Problems Among Young Adults. Social Science Research , 10 (1). Retrieved from https://journals.aphriapub.com/index.php/SSR/article/view/2509

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‘You Are Big, S/he Is Small’ Detecting Body Shaming in Online User Content

• Conference paper
• First Online: 12 October 2022
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• Varsha Reddy   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-3167-6391 12 ,
• Harika Abburi   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-8280-6152 12 ,
• Niyati Chhaya   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-3586-7240 12 , 13 ,
• Tamara Mitrovska   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-3361-305X 14 &
• Vasudeva Varma   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-1923-1725 12  

Part of the book series: Lecture Notes in Computer Science ((LNCS,volume 13618))

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Body shaming, a criticism based on the body’s shape, size, or appearance, has become a dangerous act on social media. With a rise in the reporting of body shaming experiences on the web, automated monitoring of body shaming posts will help rescue individuals, especially adolescents, from the emotional anguish they experience. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first work on body shaming detection, and we contribute the dataset in which the posts are tagged as body shaming or non-body shaming. We use transformer-based language models to detect body shaming posts. Further, we leverage unlabeled data in a semi-supervised manner using the GAN-BERT model, as it was developed for tasks where labeled data is scarce and unlabeled data is abundant. The findings of the experiments reveal that the algorithm learns valuable knowledge from the unlabeled dataset and outperforms many deep learning and conventional machine learning baselines.

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Varsha Reddy, Harika Abburi, Niyati Chhaya & Vasudeva Varma

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Reddy, V., Abburi, H., Chhaya, N., Mitrovska, T., Varma, V. (2022). ‘You Are Big, S/he Is Small’ Detecting Body Shaming in Online User Content. In: Hopfgartner, F., Jaidka, K., Mayr, P., Jose, J., Breitsohl, J. (eds) Social Informatics. SocInfo 2022. Lecture Notes in Computer Science, vol 13618. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19097-1_25

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