essay on my country for class 10

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Essay on My Country Nepal For Students

If there is a country’s flag that stands out among all other countries it is the flag of Nepal . Our flag is very unique and cannot be compared to other countries’ flags due to its shape. It also has a hidden meaning behind it which represents the country’s peace-loving and friendly nature, bravery, and immortal history.

My country Nepal is situated between two countries, India and China. Although it is sandwiched between international powers, conflicts have not happened between any, and peace remains. Nepal is a country of various castes and cultures. In other words, it is like a beautiful garden of flowers with people of different ethnicities and backgrounds.

My country Nepal is not only unique for its flag but also its geographical terrain, the variety of castes and cultures you can find, and the rich history of it. It is the land of various great places and important figures that people know far and wide. The temperature here spans from cool to hot and is a heaven for residing in.

There are about 126 castes in Nepal each with its own rich history and culture which makes Nepal a rich place for culture. Some dating back to the millenniums. Not only that, our country is very rich in its geographical terrain. From the lowest point of just 70 Meters from sea level to the world’s highest peak Mt. Everest (8848.86 meters) , we have temperature scales that vary from place to place. It is divided into three regions, Terai, Hilly, and Himalayas each according to their altitude and geographical differences.

Himalayan regions have high and mighty Himalayas that are breathtaking to look at. Out of the world’s top 10 highest peaks, 8 of them fall in my country. It is already a great pride to have come from such a country. The diverse flora and fauna, beautiful landscapes, lush and green jungles, historical and religious places in Nepal are enough to gather the attention of foreigners and locals too. People from all over the world pay thousands of dollars just to see our country’s snow-capped mountains, rivers, cliffs, waterfalls, other beautiful landscapes, the rich flora and fauna, and sites of great religious and historical importance. It just doesn’t end there.

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Our country ranks in the top 5 for the richest in water resources. With just a small country with an area of 1,47,181 sq kilometers, it has the potential to fuel hydropower worth 2% of the entire world. It may look small in number but taking our country’s small area in context, it is a potential incomparable to all. The Terai region holds fertile land and smooth flowing waters that are excellent for farming and cultivating.

Nepal is also known as an agricultural country where 60% of the people here follow agriculture as their work. Our country also has huge historical importance. Gautama Buddha the founder and preacher of Buddhism which is practiced worldwide was also born in Nepal. Buddhism is known to preach peace and non-violence and to love everyone. King Janak is also an important figure who holds great importance to communities in Nepal.

Other personalities include Bhrikuti, Araniko, etc. Our country is also known for its bravery. Our country never has to celebrate Independence day as we were never under the rule of any other. We stood and fought against the Britans and other Mongol countries. Brave Gorkhalis were united after a long struggle and fought their way to preserve their country. The courage and bravery of Nepali people are also know world wide. Many brave Gorkhalis went to fight under countries in world wars and won various colors and medals. This brought our country so much respect that we even enjoy it for granted to date.

Although our country’s history, culture, terrains, and achievements make anyone feel proud, the power struggle for the politicians, previous kings, and presidents have made the country weak and fall in the developing country category. Our rich natural resources have not been utilized and we have fallen way behind. Corruption is widely prevalent in our country and the loans we have taken from other countries are in a large number. The amount of food and other materialistic consumption has made Nepal import more and export less.

Our country is poor but the people here are rich. This is because of the corruption and the illegal working/trading that has been done. The government has not made significant progress and the people aren’t responsible. Although I feel proud to be A Nepali, the condition of my country makes me feel bad. People should feel responsible and carry out their duties and not just complain about the government.

The government too should implement proper policies and rules and enforce them accordingly. Utilization of our natural resources should be done in an effective way and social evils such as discrimination according to castes and genders, other superstitions should be slowly removed. Centralized development should stop and we should control the people moving out to other countries with their skills that are wasted abroad. This way we can slowly develop our country.

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28 thoughts on “ essay on my country nepal for students ”.

Thank you so much sir for helpful essay.

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Am proud to be nepali ❤️❤️❤️🇳🇵🇳🇵🇳🇵🇳🇵 so I knew about the history of our country it’s like a story ❤️❤️🇳🇵🇳🇵🇳🇵

Ya it’s really good to visit in Nepal. Nepal has most beautiful place to look.

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Essay on My Country Pakistan in English with Quotations

In this post, I am sharing an Essay on My Country with Quotations for School and College Students. I have placed appropriate quotations in this essay for fsc 2nd Year students. If they need only quotations for essays I have already shared. Visit this page for English Essays with Quotations. Not only English Notes , but I am trying to upload PDF Books and all subjects notes for Class 9, Class 10, Class 11 and Class 12.

I have already shared an outstanding essay on Why I Love Pakistan with Quotations for 2nd Year students. However, this is a detailed essay on My Country Pakistan . On ilmihub , you will see almost all important English Essays for the students of Class 10, Class 12 and graduation.

My Country Essay in English for Class 10, Class 12 – 500+ Words

The name of my country is the “Islamic Republic of Pakistan.” It is very dear to me. It is my homeland and I am proud of being Pakistani. Pakistan came into being on August 14, 1947. It was a united country before it. At that time it was ruled over by the British. The British were foreigners and ruled over this country for about 200 years. It was the age of slavery. The British were very cruel to the Muslims. The Muslims were leading miserable life. Their condition was pitiable. Before that, the Muslims had ruled over this great country for 800 years with great pomp and show. Unfortunately, they were made slaves by the British.

“In Pakistan, lies our deliverance, defence and honour.” – (Muhammad Ali Jinnah)

At last, the Muslims started a movement for their freedom. A number of great Muslim leaders created a wave of religious, social and political awakening in Muslims. Among these great leaders, the names of Tipu Sultan, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Syed Ahmad Shaheed, Maulana Nazir Ahmad, Maulana Halim Maulana Shibli, Ali Brothers and Maulana Zafar Ali Khan are worth mentioning. Allama Iqbal tops this list. In his poetry, he gave the Muslims the message of hope. He taught them self-respect and gave them a sense of dignity. He showed them their glorious past and gave them the hope of a bright future.

In his speech at Allahabad in 1930, Allama Iqbal expressed the idea that Muslims of India should have their own independent state. In this way, he was the first Muslim leader to visualize Pakistan.

“The ultimate aim of an ego is not to see something, but is to be something.” – (Allama Muhammad Iqbal)

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a great leader of the Muslims who united the Muslims under his great leadership. As a result of his struggle, Pakistan appeared on the map of the world on August 14, 1947. Hence he was the founder of Pakistan. He was appointed as the first Governor-General of Pakistan. His health went down day by day due to his overwork. He died on September 11, 1948. he lives in our hearts. His motto was “Faith, Unity and Discipline.”

The aim of the establishment of Pakistan was to establish an Islamic Society and Islamic state. Pakistan is in fact, the fort of Islam. It stands for the support of the whole Islamic World. God has blessed Pakistan with rich resources. Now it is our entre duty to make Pakistan a great, strong and prosperous country.

“Men Love their country, not because it is great, but because it is their own.” – (Seneca)

The population of Pakistan is about 150 Million. It has four provinces, Punjab Sindh, Baluchistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhawa. The capital of Pakistan is Islamabad, a beautiful and worth seeing place. Other famous cities of Pakistan are Karachi, Lahore Faisalabad, Gujranwala, Multan, Peshawar, Quetta and Hyderabad. The national language of Pakistan is Urdu. Punjabi, Sindhi, Pushto and Baluchi are its provincial or regional languages. Pakistan is basically an agricultural country. Most of its population is illiterate. But now education is spreading day by day. It is making great progress in science, technology and industry. Pakistan army is one of the best armies in the world. The future of Pakistan is very bright by the grace of God. May Pakistan live long!

“There is no power on earth that can undo Pakistan.” – (Muhammad Ali Jinnah)

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500 Words Essay On Our Country

India, our country is the finest example of ‘unity in diversity. People from different backgrounds and religions live here in peace and harmony. Moreover, our country is known for having a variety of languages. So much so that you will find a different language at every 100 kilometres in our country. Through our country essay, we will take you through what India is.

Unity in Diversity- Our Country Essay

India is a unique country that harbours different kinds of people that speak different languages, eat different foods and wear a variety of clothes. What makes our country special is that despite so many differences, people always live together in peace.

Our country, India, lies in South Asia. It is a large country that is home to approximately 139 crore people. Moreover, India is also the biggest democracy in the whole world. Having one of the oldest civilizations, it is a very rich country.

Our country has fertile soil that makes it the largest wheat producer in the whole world. India has given birth to famous personalities in the field of literature and science. For instance, Rabindranath Tagore, CV Raman, Dr Abdul Kalam, and others are Indians.

It is a country that is home to thousands of villages. Similarly, the fields of India are fed by the mighty rivers. For instance, Ganga, Kaveri, Yamuna, Narmada, and more are rivers of India.

Most importantly, the coasts of our country are guarded by the deep oceans and the mighty Himalayas are our natural frontiers. Being a secular state, India has a variety of religions that prosper happily together.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Famous Things of Our Country Essay

The culture of our country is immensely rich and famous worldwide. The different languages we speak and the different Gods we worship does not create differences between us. We all share the same spirit.

The spirit of India runs throughout the country. Further, India is famous for having a lot of tourist spots. For instance, the Taj Mahal, Qutub Minar, Gateway of India, Hawa Mahal, Charminar, and more are quite popular.

These attractions bring together people from all over the world. Similarly, we have Kashmir which is known as paradise on earth. The natural beauty of Kashmir, the mighty rivers and gorgeous valleys truly make it a paradise.

Besides that, India is famous for having a very rich food culture. There are so many cuisines found within our country that it is not possible to have it all in one trip. We get to have the best of everything due to the richness.

Conclusion of Our Country Essay

All in all, our country has a thousand-year-old culture. It is also given the world the gifts of yoga and Ayurveda. Besides that, India has contributed significantly to the field of science, music, maths, philosophy, and more. It is an essential country in almost every sphere globally.

FAQ on Our Country Essay

Question 1: What makes our country special and different from other countries?

Answer 1: Our country is special and unique as it is responsible for giving many inventions to the world like the number zero, the game of chess, the value of pi, and more. There are around 90,000 kinds of animals in our country and about 50,000 plant species.

Question 2: How can we improve our country?

Answer 2: We can improve our country by sharing resources so we lower our ecological footprint. Further, it is essential to promote education and empower women. We must work together to reform the system so everyone gets a better life in our country.

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Essay on My Country- Suitable for all students

Abdul Aouwal
May 21, 2024

With the passage of time and a century every nation" changes to some extent. The country achieves success or makes itself developed through working hard in a very much planned and practical way. Coping with time and century, we have already entered a new millennium.

Most of the countries of the world in the meantime have taken their own strategy to face the odds of the new millennium for changing a lot of the people and developing of the country.

History: Bangladesh is a small country in South Asia. It was under a colonial rule for 200 years. It became independent in 1971 through Liberation War. During 1971-1990 we had little political stability. Bangladesh includes in the list of least developed countries.

So as a poor country she faces more problems than the world does in the new millennium. The problems and prospects of Bangladesh in the new millennium may be the following.

Poverty: Poverty means pauperism, a situation for which man cannot meet the basic needs of life. It also means a situation where the living standard of the people is below normal. Poverty is a basic problem of Bangladesh. She is one of the poorest countries of the world. So, it is clear that poverty is going to be one of the great problems of Bangladesh in the new millennium.

If we do not remove poverty there would be no development In this situation the government has taken various measures to eliminate poverty from the country. Side by side the non-government organizations are also engaged in various programs for poverty alleviation.

Electricity: Electricity is an indispensable part of modern life. Proper supply of electricity is a pre-condition for economic development of any country. In the new millennium, we are looking for alternative sources. Bangladesh has a long history of the shortage of electricity. 1994, we had 134 days of load shedding for 434 hours.

Then the maximum shortage was 520 MW and the minimum was 29 MW. In January-June 1997 we had 174 days of power shortages and load-shedding occurred for 2165 hours.

This has now slightly improved in the first of new millennium. In the fifth Five Year Plan, the government has planned to increase power generation capacity to 5132 MW. This is nearly 53 percent increasing If we successfully implement the Fifth Five Year Plan. Bangladesh would like to achieve a 7 percent growth rate in the economy ensuring our development activities in the new millennium.

An urban country: Bangladesh is mainly a rural country. More than 80% of her population living in villages. But in the new millennium, it is going to be an urban country. As cities offer more opportunities for employment, business, education, health, and other amenities more and more, the rural people are to migrate to the cities. Population growth, shortage of cultivable land, natural calamities like river erosion, flood etc. are the main causes of migration to the cities. It is high time in the new millennium to take Stian necessary steps to control urban migration.

In the field of information technology: Information Technology is a part of our life in the new millennium. We cannot think of our modern life without it. In order to get better services and more benefits from the new millennium, the government of Bangladesh is going to set up an information technology village very close to Dhaka city. This would be similar to the software technology parks in India. The future of information technology in Bangladesh is bright.

Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology secured the 24th position in the reputed universities in the USA. In the ACM programming contest on the Internet, the performance of Bangladesh, particularly from (BUET) performed better than those from other countries.

In Agriculture: Bangladesh is mainly agricultural land. More than 80% of her people depend on agriculture. Agriculture will be another thrust area in the new millennium. At present, our agriculture is facing the number of problems such as rising salinity, declining soil fertility, soil erosion in the hills etc.

It is high time to take the necessary steps to improve the agricultural section. Otherwise, we fail to face impending new millennium problems. In this situation, high varieties may become the best choice of the new millennium like a country Bangladesh.

Foreign Investment: Bangladesh is a country which badly needs foreign investment for her rapid economic growth and development. Foreign investment helps supply necessary capital to set up industries, ensure the quality of production. The domestic market of the country where investment is made is expended.

New millennium opens a new chapter for investment. The Bangladesh government has taken various steps to attract foreign voltmeters in Agriculture, Fisheries, Agro-based Industries, Leather, Textile, Tourism, Energy etc. The prospects of investment acility of Bangladesh in the new millennium is bright.

Conclusion: New millennium has opened a new chapter for every country. We expect that Bangladesh will march ahead with the world community for achieving the goal. For this object, we have to be honest and sincere in our every step of action. The politicians can make their supreme sacrifice in this regard to ensure peace and prosperity in all spheres of national life.

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Hi, I'm Abdul Aouwal

From Bangladesh, I am a blogger who writes about educational topics. My passion is to share knowledge and insights to help others learn and grow

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Essay On My Country Pakistan (200 & 500 words)

Pakistan is a beautiful country located in South Asia. It shares borders with India, China, Afghanistan, and Iran. The country is known for its diverse culture, rich history, and breathtaking landscapes. The official language of Pakistan is Urdu, but English is also widely spoken and used in official documents.

Essay On My Country Pakistan 200 words

Pakistan gained independence from British colonial rule in 1947 and became a sovereign nation. Since then, the country has faced many challenges, including political instability, economic struggles, and ongoing conflict with neighboring countries. However, despite these difficulties, Pakistan remains a vibrant and resilient country with strong national pride.

Pakistan is a country with a rich cultural heritage. It is home to many historical sites, such as the ancient ruins of Mohenjo-Daro and the majestic Badshahi Mosque in Lahore . The people of Pakistan are known for their hospitality and love for food. Pakistani cuisine is famous for its spicy and flavorful dishes, such as biryani, kebabs, and curries .

Pakistan is also known for its natural beauty, from the snowy peaks of the Himalayas to the sandy beaches of the Arabian Sea. The country has several national parks and nature reserves where visitors can see various wildlife and flora.

In conclusion, Pakistan is a country with a lot to offer. Despite its challenges, it remains a place of great beauty, rich culture, and warm hospitality.

Essay On My Country Pakistan 500 words

Pakistan is a beautiful country located in South Asia. It is a land of diversity, culture, and heritage. It was formed in 1947, after the partition of India, and since then, it has come a long way. Pakistan is known for its hospitality, food, historical monuments, and beautiful landscapes. Its population is over 200 million people , making it the fifth most populous country in the world.

Pakistan is a country that is blessed with natural beauty. It has beautiful mountains, deserts, and beaches. The northern areas of Pakistan are known for their picturesque landscapes, attracting tourists worldwide. Some of Pakistan’s most famous tourist spots include Murree, Hunza Valley, Swat Valley, Neelum Valley, and Skardu. The beaches of Karachi are also popular among tourists, and people from all over the country visit them during summer.

Pakistan is also known for its rich history and culture. The country has a rich tradition of music, art, and literature. The ancient civilization of the Indus Valley is also one of Pakistan’s most significant cultural heritages. The historical monuments of Pakistan, such as the Badshahi Mosque, Lahore Fort, and Shalimar Gardens , are a testament to the country’s rich cultural heritage. Moreover, the food of Pakistan is famous all over the world. Pakistani cuisine’s aromatic spices, herbs, and flavors make it unique and delicious.

Pakistan is a country that has made significant progress in various fields over the years. The country has a rapidly growing economy, one of the world’s emerging economies. Pakistan has a vibrant IT industry, home to many software companies that provide services to clients worldwide. Moreover, the country is also making significant progress in science and technology, and many Pakistani scientists and researchers are making groundbreaking discoveries in their respective fields.

Pakistan is a country that faces many challenges. Poverty, illiteracy, and terrorism are some of the significant issues that the country faces. Pakistan’s government is trying to tackle these challenges and improve the standard of living of its citizens. The country has made significant progress in education, and the literacy rate has increased. Moreover, the government is also taking measures to counter terrorism and promote peace in the region.

In conclusion, Pakistan is a beautiful country with a rich cultural heritage and natural beauty. It has made significant progress in various fields over the years and has a bright future ahead. The challenges faced by the country are being tackled, and the government is making efforts to improve the standard of living of its citizens. Pakistan is a country full of potential, and with the right policies and strategies, it can become one of the world’s leading economies.

پاکستان ایک خوبصورت ملک ہے جو جنوب ایشیا میں واقع ہے۔ یہ ایک مختلف ثقافت اور وراثت کا ملک ہے۔ یہ 1947 میں بھارت کی تقسیم کے بعد قائم ہوا تھا۔ پاکستان کو اس کی مہمان نوازی، کھانے پینے کی اشیاء، تاریخی مقامات، اور خوبصورت مناظر کے لئے جانا جاتا ہے۔ اس کی آبادی 200 لاکھ سے زیادہ لوگوں کی ہے، جس سے یہ دنیا کے پانچویں زیادہ آبادی والا ملک ہے۔

پاکستان ایک ملک ہے جوکہ قدرتی حسن سے نوازا گیا ہے۔ یہ خوبصورت پہاڑ، صحراؤں، اور ساحلوں سے بھر پور ہے۔ پاکستان کے شمالی علاقے دنیا بھر کے سیاحوں کو کھینچتے ہیں اور ان میں سے کچھ مشہور سیاحتی مقامات مری، ہنزہ ویلی، سوات ویلی، نیلم ویلی، اور سکردو شامل ہیں۔ کراچی کے ساحل بھی سیاحوں کے درمیان مقبول ہیں، اور پورے ملک کے لوگ گرمی کے موسم میں وہاں جاتے ہیں۔

پاکستان اپنی تاریخ اور ثقافت کے لئے بھی مشہور ہے۔ اس ملک کی موسیقی، فن، اور ادب کی ایک پرانی روایت ہے۔ انڈس ویلی کی قدیم تہذیب بھی پاکستان کی اہم ترین ثقافتی وراثتوں میں سے ایک ہے۔ پاکستان کے تاریخی عمارات بادشاہی مسجد، لاہور کی قلعہ، اور شالیمار باغ وغیرہ اس ملک کی غنی ثقافتی وراثت کا ثبوت ہیں۔ علاوہ ازیں، پاکستان کا کھانا دنیا بھر میں مشہور ہے۔ پاکستانی کھانے کی خوشبو دار مصالحے، جڑی بوٹیاں، اور ذائقے اسے مخصوص اور لذیذ بناتی ہیں۔

پاکستان ایک زرعی ملک ہے۔ یہ ملک تیزی سے بڑھتی ہوئی معیشت رکھتا ہے اور دنیا کے بڑی معیشتوں میں سے ایک ہے۔ پاکستان میں اٹھتی ہوئی آئی ٹی صنعت ہے، جس میں دنیا بھر کے لوگوں کو خدمات فراہم کرنے والی کئی سافٹوئیر کمپنیاں ہیں۔ علاوہ ازیں، ملک میں سائنس اور ٹیکنالوجی میں بڑھتی ہوئی پیشرفت بھی ہو رہی ہے، اور بہت سارے پاکستانی سائنسدان اور محقق اپنی متخصص شعبوں میں نئی تاریخی تلاشوں میں مصنفی کر رہے ہیں۔

پاکستان کو مختلف چیلنجز کا سامنا ہے۔ غربت، جہالت، اور دہشتگردی ان میں سے کچھ بڑے مسائل ہیں۔ پاکستان کی حکومت ان چیلنجز کا سامنا کرنے اور اپنے شہریوں کی زندگی کی معیار کو بہتر بنانے کی کوشش کر رہی ہے۔ تعلیم میں پاکستان نے بڑی ترقی کی ہے، اور رسمی تعلیم کی شرح میں اضافہ ہوا ہے۔ علاوہ ازیں، حکومت دہشتگردی کے خلاف کارروائی کر رہی ہے اور علاقے میں امن کو فروغ دینے کے اقدامات بھی کر رہی ہے۔

الغرض کہ پاکستان ایک خوبصورت ملک ہے جس کی غنی ثقافتی وراثت اور قدرتی حسن ہے۔ یہ سالوں سے مختلف شعبوں میں ترقی کر رہا ہے اور اس کا روشن مستقبل ہے۔ ملک کے سامنے آنے والے چیلنجز کا سامنا کیا جا رہا ہے، اور حکومت اپنے شہریوں کی زندگی کی معیار کو بہتر بنانے کی کوشش کر رہی ہے۔ پاکستان ایک بڑے پوٹنشل والا ملک ہے، اور صحیح پالیسیوں اور منصوبوں کے ساتھ، یہ دنیا کے سب سے بڑے معیشتوں میں سے ایک بن سکتا ہے۔

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Sana Mursleen is a student studying English Literature at Lahore Garrison University (LGU). With her love for writing and humor, she writes essays for Top Study World. Sana is an avid reader and has a passion for history, politics, and social issues.

Paragraph on My Country Pakistan for Students

In This Blog We Will Discuss

Short Paragraph on My Country Pakistan in 100 Words

Pakistan is sacred land for Muslims. It got independence from British Rule on 14 th August 1947. This country has been built with the belief of ‘Two Nation Theory’. The visionary leader Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah lead us to independence. The capital city of the country in Islamabad.

Karachi and Lahore are another two big cities in the country. The national game of Pakistan is Hockey. The national language is Urdu. This country has amazing natural beauty and unbelievable hills, mountains, valleys, and coastal areas. I love my country so much. I wish to live long here as a proud citizen.

Paragraph on My Country Pakistan in 150 Words

Pakistan means ‘Land of Pure’ in Urdu and Persian. The official name of my country is the ‘Islamic Republic of Pakistan’. The majority of peoples are Muslims here in this country. It is a democratic country. Pakistan has a growing economy with a powerful military.

People are so much friendly here. Now tourism is developing and lots of foreign’s tourists are visiting our country regularly. It is a very big country divides by 5 provinces and a few special areas. I love to live here because I born here.

When I go away from Pakistan I miss my country a lot and I can feel a deep connection with my motherland at that time. I know everyone has that patriotism to love their own country and it comes naturally.

The national anthem of Pakistan is ‘Pak Sarzamin’ or ‘The Sacred Land’. It is beautiful music that helps me to feel my country. I love Pakistan a lot. I wish to have a better situation for our economy and tourism.

Paragraph on My Country Pakistan in 200 Words

My country’s name is Pakistan. The meaning of Pakistan is ‘Land of Pure’ in Urdu and Persian. We have a very glorious history. We got independence on 14th August 1947 when Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the visionary leader who succeeded to pass the two-nation theory and bill.

And Muslims got a different country for them where they can practice Islam properly. That was a blessing for us to have a different country for us. Pakistan is one of the strongest countries in the world in order to Army. But our economy is not as big as expected.

But now it is expanding as a republican nation with a good government. It has five different provinces. Each province has its own culture and local languages. But Urdu is the approved and national language of Pakistan. It is a widely known language in the world with a huge amount of speakers.

Pakistan is one of the most beautiful countries in the world with lots of amazing hills, coastal areas, deserted areas, and snow falling Azad Kashmir. Each part of my country is amazing and I love to travel to every part of it. I am a proud Pakistani and I love my country very much.

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Essay on My Country

The world is divided into different countries. And every country has its specialty. Some countries are known for their biodiversity, while some for their cultures, and so on. People from different countries follow different religions and they also vary in their lifestyles. However, some are even different from their looks also. Every country has its rules and regulations which are followed by the natives of the country. People love their countries and respect them in every possible way. Let us discover My Country “India” in detail today.

Short and Long My Country Essay in English

Here, I’m presenting Short and Long essays on My Country in English for students under word limits of 100 – 150 Words, 200 – 250 words, and 500 – 600 words. This topic is useful for students of classes 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12 in English. These provided essays on My Country will help you to write effective essays, paragraphs, and speeches on this topic.

My Country Essay 10 Lines (100 – 150 Words)

1) The name of my country is India.

2) It is the seventh largest country situated in South Asia.

3) My country has the highest democracy in the world.

4) The people of my country follow ancient culture and tradition.

5) There are many people in my country with a different religions.

6) People differ in their language and tradition but are united by hearts.

7) My country has a wide range of flora and fauna.

8) It is the birthplace of many great personalities.

9) There are many places to visit like the Taj Mahal, Red Fort, Hawa Mahal, etc.

10) I’m very proud to be an Indian and I love my country.

Short Essay on My Country (250- 300 Words)

Introduction

My country is India. I’m born and raised in this country. The people living in my country are referred to as Indians. I respect all the rules of my country and am ready to sacrifice everything for it. My country is a developing country but it is doing well every day in every sector.

India: Unity in Diversity

India is home to a large population. People are free to follow different religions in my country. However, the majority of people follow Hinduism. People are different in their traditions, languages, food, clothes, celebrations, etc but they live together happily. People all over the world know about India’s traditions and ways of life. People from outside India are treated like God. Guests are considered as God as “Atithi Devo bhava”.

My Incredible Country

India has very rich soil. Most population of India is dependent on Agriculture. India grows many different kinds of crops, which are then sold to people in India and also to people in other countries. It is home to a wide variety of plants, birds, and animals. Many rivers flow in India. India has given the world many well-known people in the arts and sciences. My country is full of wonders. It attracts many tourists toward it. Many people across the world come to India to experience its beauty.

The fact that we were born in India makes us proud of our country. Many great leaders are born in my country. Their hard work and sacrifice not only set India independent but also made my country the best place to live.

Long Essay on My Country (500 Words)

There are many countries in the world and among which India is a country in South Asia. India is a developing country doing wonders every day. Many things differentiate India from other countries. People all around the world love the rich culture of India and enlisted it in their travel lists. One of the major things for which India is known is “Unity in Diversity”.

My Country: India

My country is India and it is the seventh largest country in the world. India is a democratic country that gives many rights to its citizens. All the people live united and happily in this incredible country. India is a country where a lot of different types of sages and great men were born. It was their hard work that made India to be known around the world. I love my country very much.

Culture and Religion

My country’s culture is very rich and well-known all over the world. India is a special place with many different kinds of people who eat different foods and wear different clothes. My country is also known for having many different languages. Moreover, every 100 km in India, you’ll hear a new language. Our country has so many different kinds of food and tradition. India is home to many major religions, such as Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Buddhism, Sikhism, Parsism, and Jainism. But we’re all the same inside. This makes my country the perfect example of Unity in Diversity.

India and its rich Biodiversity

India is a place with a lot of beautiful scenery. India is the seventh-largest country in the world, and it is in a beautiful part of the world. The Himalayas cover the country from North. In the south, it falls into the Indian Ocean between the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea. Our country grows more wheat than any other country in the world because its soil is so rich. India has a lot of rivers, like the Ganga, Kaveri, Yamuna, Narmada, and many more. The big rivers in India bring water to the fields. It has a lot of forests, mines, rivers, animals, and other natural resources.

The Charm of India

India is known for having a lot of places that tourists can visit. Some well-known places are the Taj Mahal, Qutub Minar, Gateway of India, Red Fort, Charminar, and others. People from all over the world come to see these things. India has made a lot of important contributions to science, music, math, philosophy, and other fields. Rabindranath Tagore, CV Raman, Dr. Abdul Kalam, Kalpana Chawla, Gautam Buddha, and other famous people are all from India.

During ancient times, India was famously referred to as the “Golden Bird”. But the scenario changed when the British came to rule India. It was 15 August 1947, when India was set free from British colonization. Since then the way our country is growing right now, it won’t be long before India becomes a golden bird again.

I hope the above provided essay on My Country will be helpful in understanding my country India in detail.

FAQs: Frequently Asked Questions on My Country

Ans. India is also known as Bharat and Hindustan.

Ans. The world is now divided into 195 countries.

Ans. In 2022, the population of India is 1.417 billion.

Ans. India consists of 28 States and 8 Union Territories in 2022.

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Essay on “My Country” for School, College Students, Long and Short English Essay, Paragraph, Speech for Class 9, 10 and 12 students.

Essay No. 01

The land of Mahavira and Nanak; the dream of the Buddha and Gandhi; the place of temples and mosques is India, my country. She is first and foremost in my thoughts. I love India, my country.

India, the biggest democracy and one of the oldest civilizations of the world, is the second Most populous country in the world. Indians are great people. My country has produced warriors like Porus, Rana Pratap, and Shivaji; statesmen like Jawaharlal Nehru and Gandhi and freedom.fighters like Bhagat Singh, LalaLajpat Rai and Sardar Patel.

In the field of science and literature my country has produced shining stars like RavindraNath Tagore, Prem Chand, Sarat Chandra and Sir C.V. Raman, Jagdish Chandra Bose and Dr. H.J. Bhaba, Dr. Kalam.

My country is a land of villages and fields laden with fruits, vegetables and grains. I am proud of her villages from where the Indian civilization has blossomed.Most of the great leaders of our country belonged to villages. Our fields are fed by the mighty riverlike the Ganges, Jamuna, Brahmputra and Cauveri. The Gangetic valley is the most fertile part of our land.

The Over flowing water that wash her feet from all the sides and the mighty Himalayas that stand on the lofty heights have given my country the shape of a heavenly garden. The-lure of the mountains attracted many adventurers to this land of ours.

Ours is secular state and in her lap breathe the happy followers of all the religions of the world. We have a unique culture which has developed through the centuries. There is much diversity among our people. We speak many languages, worship many gods and yet we have the same spirit, the spirit of India, us together. It is a great unity in diversity.

My country, because of her many historical places, is the craze of tourists. The Taj, Fatehpur Sikri, the Qutab and the Red Fort are a few of the many, wonders which attract the human curiosity. Kashmir has been described as heaven on earth. My country, the country of mountains, valleys, rivers and lakes is a perfect abode for the gods.

After independence in 1947 India has made tremendous progress in the fields of agriculture, industry, science, technology, nuclear and space sciences. The day’s not far when India will be at-top of the world not through violence but with peace, progress and prosperity.

Essay No. 02

The name of my country is India. It is a very big country. In the matter of population it is next only to China. Its population is more than mo crore of people.

India is divided into several States. Some of the big States are Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, etc. Among the Union Territories there are Chandigarh, Pondicherry, etc.

Jammu and Kashmir lies in the north of India. The southernmost Indian State is Tamil Nadu. India is spread from Kashmir to Kanya Kumari and from Assam to Gujarat.

The Indian people believe in different religions. They eat different kinds of food and wear different kinds of clothes. They speak different languages. But they are all Indians.

India is an ancient country. It remained under foreign rule for many centuries. In 1947, it became independent. It adopted a democratic set up. it became a republic in 1950. India is a sovereign, secular country. All the citizens of India have equal rights. They have some fundamental rights and duties.

Among India’s neighbours are China, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, Pakistan and Afghanistan.

India is a peace loving country. It wants friendship with all the countries of the world, particularly with its neighbours.

India is making a rapid progress in all fields, particularly in telecommunications. It is paying attention to industrialization on war footing. It is already self-sufficient in food.

For having become a big military and economic power, India is now known as “The Asian Tiger”

India is trying to tackle the problems of unemployment, illiteracy, disease, corruption, poverty, etc. Let us hope for the best.

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English Essay on “My Country” complete Paragraph and Speech for School, College Students, essay for Class 8, 9, 10, 12 and Graduation Classes.

My country is always fore-most in my thoughts. I can sacrifice everything, including’ my life for the sake of my country. I always think of my country having an honourable place in the comity of nations. Everybody is proud of his country and so am I. It is my heart-felt desire to see my country progress by leaps and bounds.

I love my country, my motherland. India. I want to see her grow from strength to strength because weak nations attract invasions from powerful countries. Also a weak nation has no right to exist. Weak nations are always devoured by powerful nations. Therefore, I wish to see my country powerful, economically and militarily. Only political independence will not help the country. Economic independence is necessary and must accompany political independence. And there is no doubt our country is heading towards economic independence through its Five Years Plans.

India is a lovely country endowed with beautiful mountains, valleys, plains, rivers and forests. It has a long sea-coast. It has all types of climates to enjoy. It has majestic monuments and buildings of historical importance.

India is the biggest democracy of the world. We elect our own government through general elections. It is the representatives of the people who rule the country keeping in view the welfare of its citizens. India is a welfare state where the good of the people is foremost in the thoughts of its people and government.

India is the most populous country in the world, next only to China. Only weak thing is its human resources have not been properly harnessed so far. But now steps have been taken to tap this potential. However, the population explosion is also worrying the countrymen. Government of India is taking steps to check the growing trend in population through various family planning programmes.

India has had an old civilization and culture. Its traditions and culture are very rich. But some of them have now outlived their utility and the same are being shed through cultural and educational awakening. People are getting rid of superstitions and are becoming more scientific in their attitude towards life.

India is primarily a land of villages Almost eighty per cent of its population live and work in the countryside. But the villagers are mostly illiterate and they are not able to catch up with modern science and technology. Now the state governments have decided to take up projects for their welfare. Also steps are being taken to educate them and train them to improve their lot through various welfare programmes like 20-point programme.

India of today, that is, Modern India, is no more the land of magic as it was thought to be earlier. Now-a-days, India is marching on the road to development through industrialization and mechanization of agriculture. Our country is producing most of the industrial goods including aircrafts and battle tanks.

I am very much proud of my country. If politicians avoid interfering with the various aspects of life and work with devotion and dedication India can still scale newer heights in every field of life.

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Is America The Greatest Country

Categories: Declaration of Independence

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Published: Aug 1, 2024

Words: 619 | Page: 1 | 4 min read

America's historical achievements, economic strength and global influence, implications and further exploration.

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How the Diploma Divide Is Remaking American Politics

Education is at the heart of this country’s many divisions..

Blue America is an increasingly wealthy and well-educated place.

Throughout the second half of the 20th century, Americans without college degrees were more likely than university graduates to vote Democratic. But that gap began narrowing in the late 1960s before finally flipping in 2004 .

John F. Kennedy lost college-educated voters by a two-to-one margin yet won the presidency thanks to overwhelming support among white voters without a degree. Sixty years later, our second Catholic president charted a much different path to the White House, losing non-college-educated whites by a two-to-one margin while securing 60 percent of the college-educated vote. The latest New York Times /Siena poll of the 2022 midterms showed this pattern holding firm, with Democrats winning 55 percent of voters with bachelor’s degrees but only 39 percent of those without.

A more educated Democratic coalition is, naturally, a more affluent one. In every presidential election from 1948 to 2012, white voters in the top 5 percent of America’s income distribution were more Republican than those in the bottom 95 percent. Now, the opposite is true: Among America’s white majority, the rich voted to the left of the middle class and the poor in 2016 and 2020, while the poor voted to the right of the middle class and the rich.

In political-science parlance, the collapse of the New Deal–era alignment — in which voters’ income levels strongly predicted their partisan preference — is often referred to as “class dealignment.” The increasing tendency for politics to divide voters along educational lines, meanwhile, is known as “education polarization.”

There are worse things for a political coalition to be than affluent or educated. Professionals vote and donate at higher rates than blue-collar workers. But college graduates also comprise a minority of the electorate — and an underrepresented minority at that. America’s electoral institutions all give disproportionate influence to parts of the country with low levels of educational attainment. And this is especially true of the Senate . Therefore, if the coalitional trends of the past half-century continue unabated — and Democrats keep gaining college-educated votes at the expense of working-class ones — the party will find itself locked out of federal power. Put differently, such a development would put an increasingly authoritarian GOP on the glide path to political dominance.

And unless education polarization is substantially reversed , progressives are likely to continue seeing their reform ambitions pared back sharply by Congress’s upper chamber, even when Democrats manage to control it.

These realities have generated a lively intra-Democratic debate over the causes and implications of class dealignment. To some pundits , consultants, and data journalists , the phenomenon’s fundamental cause is the cultural divide between educated professionals and the working class. In their telling, college graduates in general — and Democratic college graduates in particular — tend to have different social values, cultural sensibilities, and issue priorities than the median non-college-educated voter. As the New York Times ’s Nate Cohn puts the point, college graduates tend to be more cosmopolitan and culturally liberal, report higher levels of social trust, and are more likely to “attribute racial inequality, crime, and poverty to complex structural and systemic problems” rather than “individualist and parochial explanations.”

What’s more, since blue America’s journalists, politicians, and activists are overwhelmingly college graduates, highly educated liberals exert disproportionate influence over their party’s actions and identity. Therefore, as the Democrats’ well-credentialed wing has swelled, the party’s image and ideological positioning have grown more reflective of the professional class’s distinct tastes — and thus less appealing to the electorate’s working-class majority.

This theory does not sit well with all Democratic journalists, politicians, and activists. Some deny the existence of a diploma divide on cultural values, while others insist on its limited political salience. Many progressives attribute class dealignment to America’s pathological racial politics and/or the Democrats’ failures of economic governance . In this account, the New Deal coalition was unmade by a combination of a backlash to Black Americans’ growing prominence in Democratic politics and the Democratic Party’s failures to prevent its former working-class base from suffering decades of stagnant living standards and declining life expectancy .

An appreciation of these developments is surely indispensable for understanding class dealignment in the United States. But they don’t tell the whole story. Education polarization is not merely an American phenomenon; it is a defining feature of contemporary politics in nearly every western democracy . It is therefore unlikely that our nation’s white-supremacist history can fully explain the development. And though center-left parties throughout the West have shared some common failings, these inadequacies cannot tell us why many working-class voters have not merely dropped out of politics but rather begun voting for parties even more indifferent to their material interests.

In my view, education polarization cannot be understood without a recognition of the values divide between educated professionals and working people in the aggregate. That divide is rooted in each class’s disparate ways of life, economic imperatives, socialization experiences, and levels of material security. By itself, the emergence of this gap might not have been sufficient to trigger class dealignment, but its adverse political implications have been greatly exacerbated by the past half-century of inequitable growth, civic decline, and media fragmentation.

The college-educated population has distinct ideological tendencies and psychological sensibilities.

Educated professionals tend to be more socially liberal than the general public. In fact, the correlation between high levels of educational attainment and social liberalism is among the most robust in political science. As early as the 1950s, researchers documented the tendency of college graduates to espouse more progressive views than the general public on civil liberties and gender roles. In the decades since, as the political scientist Elizabeth Simon writes , this correlation has held up with “remarkable geographical and temporal consistency.” Across national boundaries and generations, voters with college degrees have been more likely than those without to support legal abortion, LGBTQ+ causes, the rights of racial minorities, and expansive immigration. They are also more likely to hold “post-material” policy priorities — which is to say, to prioritize issues concerning individual autonomy, cultural values, and big-picture social goals above those concerning one’s immediate material and physical security. This penchant is perhaps best illustrated by the highly educated’s distinctively strong support for environmental causes, even in cases when ecological preservation comes at a cost to economic growth.

Underlying these disparate policy preferences are distinct psychological profiles. The college educated are more likely to espouse moral values and attitudes associated with the personality trait “ openness to experience .” High “openness” individuals are attracted to novelty, skeptical of traditional authority, and prize personal freedom and cultural diversity. “Closed” individuals, by contrast, have an aversion to the unfamiliar and are therefore attracted to moral principles that promote certainty, order, and security. Virtually all human beings fall somewhere between these two ideal types. But the college educated as a whole are closer to the “open” end of the continuum than the general public is.

All of these distinctions between more- and less-educated voters are probabilistic, not absolute. There are Catholic theocrats with Harvard Ph.D.’s and anarchists who dropped out of high school. A nation the size of the U.S. is surely home to many millions of working-class social liberals and well-educated reactionaries. Political attitudes do not proceed automatically from any demographic characteristic, class position, or psychological trait. At the individual level, ideology is shaped by myriad historical inheritances and social experiences.

And yet, if people can come by socially liberal, “high openness” politics from any walk of life, they are much more likely to do so if that walk cuts across a college campus. (And, of course, they are even more likely to harbor this distinct psychological and ideological profile if they graduate from college and then choose to become professionally involved in Democratic politics.)

The path to the professional class veers left.

There are a few theoretical explanations for this. One holds that spending your late adolescence on a college campus tends to socialize you into cultural liberalism: Through some combination of increased exposure to people from a variety of geographic backgrounds, or the iconoclastic ethos of a liberal-arts education, or the predominantly left-of-center university faculty , or the substantive content of curricula, people tend to leave college with a more cosmopolitan and “open” worldview than they had upon entering.

Proving this theory is difficult since doing so requires controlling for selection effects. Who goes to college is not determined by random chance. The subset of young people who have the interests, aptitudes, and opportunities necessary for pursuing higher education have distinct characteristics long before they show up on campus. Some social scientists contend that such “selection effects” entirely explain the distinct political tendencies of college graduates. After all, the “high openness” personality trait is associated with higher IQs and more interest in academics. So perhaps attending college doesn’t lead people to develop culturally liberal sensibilities so much as developing culturally liberal sensibilities leads people to go to college.

Some research has tried to account for this possibility. Political scientists in the United Kingdom have managed to control for the preadult views and backgrounds of college graduates by exploiting surveys that tracked the same respondents through adolescence and into adulthood. Two recent analyses of such data have found that the college experience does seem to directly increase a person’s likelihood of becoming more socially liberal in their 20s than they were in their teens.

A separate study from the U.S. sought to control for the effects of familial background and childhood experiences by examining the disparate “sociopolitical” attitudes of sibling pairs in which one went to college while the other did not. It found that attending college was associated with greater “support for civil liberties and egalitarian gender-role beliefs.”

Other recent research , however, suggests that even these study designs may fail to control for all of the background factors that bias college attendees toward liberal views before they arrive on campus. So we have some good evidence that attending college directly makes people more culturally liberal, but that evidence is not entirely conclusive.

Yet if one posits that higher education does not produce social liberals but merely attracts them, a big theoretical problem remains: Why has the population of social liberals increased in tandem with that of college graduates?

The proportion of millennials who endorse left-wing views on issues of race, gender, immigration , and the environment is higher than the proportion of boomers who do so. And such views are more prevalent within the baby-boom generation than they were among the Silent Generation. This cannot be explained merely as a consequence of America’s burgeoning racial diversity, since similar generational patterns have been observed in European nations with lower rates of ethnic change. But the trend is consistent with another component of demographic drift: Each successive generation has had a higher proportion of college graduates than its predecessor. Between 1950 and 2019, the percentage of U.S. adults with bachelor’s degrees increased from 4 percent to 33 percent.

Perhaps rising college attendance did not directly cause the “high-openness,” post-material, culturally progressive proportion of the population to swell. But then, what did?

One possibility is that, even if mass college attendance does not directly promote the development of “high openness” values, the mass white-collar economy does. If socially liberal values are well suited to the demands and lifeways inherent to professional employment in a globally integrated economy, then, as such employment expands, we would expect a larger share of the population to adopt socially liberal values. And there is indeed reason to think the professional vocation lends itself to social liberalism.

Entering the professional class often requires not only a four-year degree, but also, a stint in graduate school or a protracted period of overwork and undercompensation at the lowest ranks of one’s field. This gives the class’s aspirants a greater incentive to postpone procreation until later in life than the median worker. That in turn may give them a heightened incentive to favor abortion rights and liberal sexual mores.

The demands of the professional career may influence value formation in other ways. As a team of political scientists from Harvard and the University of Bonn argued in a 2020 paper , underlying the ideological divide between social liberals and conservatives may be a divergence in degrees of “moral universalism,” i.e., “the extent to which people’s altruism and trust remain constant as social distance increases.” Conservatives tend to feel stronger obligations than liberals to their own kin and neighbors and their religious, ethnic, and racial groups. Liberals, by contrast, tend to spread their altruism and trust thinner across a wider sphere of humanity; they are less compelled by the particularist obligations of inherited group loyalties and more apt to espouse a universalist ethos in which all individuals are of equal moral concern, irrespective of their group attachments.

Given that pursuing a professional career often requires leaving one’s native community and entering meritocratic institutions that are ideologically and legally committed to the principle that group identities matter less than individual aptitudes, the professional vocation may favor the development of a morally universalistic outlook — and thus more progressive views on questions of anti-discrimination and weaker identification with inherited group identities.

Further, in a globalized era, white-collar workers will often need to work with colleagues on other continents and contemplate social and economic developments in far-flung places. This may encourage both existing and aspiring professionals to develop more cosmopolitan outlooks.

Critically, parents who are themselves professionals — or who aspire for their children to secure a place in the educated, white-collar labor force — may seek to inculcate these values in their kids from a young age. For example, my own parents sent me to a magnet elementary school where students were taught Japanese starting in kindergarten. This curriculum was designed to appeal to parents concerned with their children’s capacity to thrive in the increasingly interconnected (and, in the early 1990s American imagination, increasingly Japanese-dominated) economy of tomorrow.

In this way, the expansion of the white-collar sector may increase the prevalence of “high-openness” cosmopolitan traits and values among rising generations long before they arrive on campus.

More material security, more social liberalism.

Ronald Inglehart’s theory of “ cultural evolution ” provides a third, complementary explanation for both the growing prevalence of social liberalism over the past half-century and for that ideology’s disproportionate popularity among the college educated.

In Inglehart’s account, people who experience material security in youth tend to develop distinctive values and preferences from those who do not: If childhood teaches you to take your basic material needs for granted, you’re more likely to develop culturally progressive values and post-material policy priorities.

Inglehart first formulated this theory in 1971 to explain the emerging cultural gap between the baby boomers and their parents. He noted that among western generations born before World War II, very large percentages had known hunger at some point in their formative years. The Silent Generation, for its part, had come of age in an era of economic depression and world wars. Inglehart argued that such pervasive material and physical insecurity was unfavorable soil for social liberalism: Under conditions of scarcity, human beings have a strong inclination to defer to established authority and tradition, to distrust out-groups, and to prize order and material security above self-expression and individual autonomy.

But westerners born into the postwar boom encountered a very different world from the Depression-wracked, war-torn one of their parents, let alone the cruel and unforgiving one encountered by common agriculturalists since time immemorial. Their world was one of rapid and widespread income growth. And these unprecedentedly prosperous conditions engendered a shift in the postwar generation’s values: When the boomers reached maturity, an exceptionally large share of the cohort evinced post-material priorities and espoused tolerance for out-groups, support for gender equality, concern for the environment, and antipathy for social hierarchies.

Since this transformation in values wasn’t rooted merely in the passage of time — but rather in the experience of abundance — it did not impact all social classes equally. Educated professionals are disproportionately likely to have had stable, middle-class childhoods. Thus, across the West, the post-material minority was disproportionately composed of college graduates in general and elite ones in particular. As Inglehart reported in 1981 , “among those less than 35 years old with jobs that lead to top management and top civil-service posts, Post-Materialists outnumber Materialists decisively: their numerical preponderance here is even greater than it is among students.”

As with most big-picture models of political development, Inglehart’s theory is reductive and vulnerable to myriad objections. But his core premise — that, all else being equal, material abundance favors social liberalism while scarcity favors the opposite — has much to recommend it. As the World Values Survey has demonstrated, a nation’s degree of social liberalism (a.k.a. “self-expression values”) tightly correlates with its per-capita income. Meanwhile, as nations become wealthier, each successive generation tends to become more socially liberal than the previous one.

Critically, the World Values Survey data does not show an ineluctable movement toward ever-greater levels of social liberalism. Rather, when nations backslide economically, their populations’ progressivism declines. In the West, recessions have tended to reduce the prevalence of post-material values and increase support for xenophobic parties. But the relationship between material security and cultural liberalism is demonstrated most starkly by the experience of ex-communist states, many of which suffered a devastating collapse in living standards following the Soviet Union’s fall. In Russia and much of Eastern Europe, popular support for culturally progressive values plummeted around 1990 and has remained depressed ever since.

Inglehart’s theory offers real insights. As an account of education polarization, however, it presents a bit of a puzzle: If material security is the key driver of social liberalism, why have culture wars bifurcated electorates along lines of education instead of income? Put differently: Despite the material security provided by a high salary, when one controls for educational attainment, having a high income remains strongly associated with voting for conservatives.

One way to resolve this tension is to stipulate that the first two theories of education polarization we examined are also right: While material security is conducive to social liberalism, the college experience and demands of professional-class vocations are perhaps even more so. Thus, high-income voters who did not go to college will tend to be less socially liberal than those who did.

Separately, earning a high income is strongly associated with holding conservative views on fiscal policy. Therefore, even if the experience of material security biases high-income voters toward left-of-center views on cultural issues, their interest in low taxes may nevertheless compel them to vote for right-wing parties.

Voters with high levels of education but low incomes, meanwhile, are very often children of the middle class who made dumb career choices like, say, going into journalism. Such voters’ class backgrounds would theoretically bias them toward a socially liberal orientation, while their meager earnings would give them little reason to value conservative fiscal policy. Perhaps for this reason, “ high-education low-income voters ” are among the most reliably left-wing throughout the western world.

In any case, whatever qualifications and revisions we would wish to make to Inglehart’s theory, one can’t deny its prescience. In 1971, Inglehart forecast that intergenerational value change would redraw the lines of political conflict throughout the West. In his telling, the emergence of a novel value orientation that was disproportionately popular with influential elites would naturally shift the terrain of political conflict. And it would do so in a manner that undermined materialist, class-based voting: If conventional debates over income distribution pulled at the affluent right and the working-class left, the emerging cultural disputes pulled each in the opposite direction.

This proved to be, in the words of Gabriel Almond, “one of the few examples of successful prediction in political science.”

When the culture wars moved to the center of politics, the college educated moved left.

Whether we attribute the social liberalism of college graduates to their experiences on campus, their class’s incentive structures, their relative material security, or a combination of all three, a common set of predictions about western political development follows.

First, we would expect to see the political salience of cultural conflicts start to increase in the 1960s and ’70s as educated professionals became a mass force in western politics. Second, relatedly, we would expect that the historic correlation between having a college degree and voting for the right would start gradually eroding around the same time, owing to the heightened prominence of social issues.

Finally, we would expect education polarization to be most pronounced in countries where (1) economic development is most advanced (and thus the professional sector is most expansive) and (2) left-wing and right-wing parties are most sharply divided on cultural questions.

In their paper “Changing Political Cleavages in 21 Western Democracies, 1948–2020,” Amory Gethin, Clara Martínez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty confirm all of these expectations.

The paper analyzes nearly every manifesto (a.k.a. “platform”) put forward by left-wing and right-wing parties in the past 300 elections. As anticipated by Inglehart, the researchers found that right-wing and left-wing parties began to develop distinct positions on “sociocultural” issues in the 1970s and that these distinctions grew steadily more profound over the ensuing 50 years. Thus, the salience of cultural issues did indeed increase just as college graduates became an electorally significant demographic.

As cultural conflict became more prominent, educated professionals became more left-wing. Controlling for other variables, in the mid-20th century, having a college diploma made one more likely to vote for parties of the right. By 2020, in virtually all of the western democracies, this relationship had inverted.

Some popular narratives attribute this realignment to discrete historical events, such as the Cold War’s end, China’s entry into the WTO, or the 2008 crash. But the data show no sudden reversal in education’s political significance. Instead, the authors write, the West saw “a very progressive, continuous reversal of educational divides, which unfolded decades before any of these events took place and has carried on uninterruptedly until today.” This finding is consistent with the notion that class dealignment is driven by gradual changes in western societies’ demographic and economic characteristics, such as the steady expansion of the professional class.

The paper provides further support for the notion that education polarization is a by-product of economic development: The three democracies where college-educated voters have not moved sharply to the left in recent decades — Ireland, Portugal, and Spain — are all relative latecomers to industrialization.

Finally, and perhaps most important, the authors established a strong correlation between “sociocultural polarization” — the degree to which right-wing and left-wing parties emphasize sharply divergent cultural positions — and education polarization. In other words: Countries where parties are highly polarized on social issues tend to have electorates that are highly polarized along educational lines.

It seems reasonable then to conclude (1) that there really is a cultural divide between educated professionals and the working class in the aggregate and (2) that this gap has been a key driver of class dealignment. Indeed, if we accept the reality of the diploma divide, then an increase of education-based voting over the past 50 years would seem almost inevitable: If you have two social groups with distinct cultural values and one group goes from being 4 percent of the electorate to 35 percent of it, debates about those values will probably become more politically prominent.

And of course, mass higher education wasn’t the only force increasing the salience of social conflict in the West over the past half-century. If economic development increased the popularity of “post-material” values, it also made it easier for marginalized groups to contest traditional hierarchies. As job opportunities for women expanded, they became less dependent on the patriarchal family for material security and thus were more liable to challenge it. As racial minorities secured a foothold in the middle class, they had more resources with which to fight discrimination.

And yet, if an increase in sociocultural polarization — and thus in education polarization — is a foregone conclusion, the magnitude of these shifts can’t be attributed to the existence of cultural divides alone.

Rather, transformations in the economic, civic, and media landscapes of western society since the 1970s have increased the salience and severity of the diploma divide.

When the postwar bargain collapsed, the center-left failed to secure workers a new deal.

To polarize an electorate around cultural conflicts rooted in education, you don’t just need to increase the salience of social issues. You also need to reduce the salience of material disputes rooted in class. Alas, the economic developments of the past 50 years managed to do both.

The class-based alignment that defined western politics in the mid-20th century emerged from a particular set of economic conditions. In the early stages of industrialization, various factors had heightened the class consciousness of wage laborers. Such workers frequently lived in densely settled, class-segregated neighborhoods in the immediate vicinity of large labor-intensive plants. This close proximity cultivated solidarity, as divisions between the laborer’s working and social worlds were few. And the vast scale of industrial enterprises abetted organizing drives, as trade unions could rapidly gain scale by winning over a single shop.

By encouraging their members to view politics through the lens of class and forcing political elites to reckon with workers’ demands, strong trade unions helped to keep questions of income distribution and workers’ rights at the center of political debate and the forefront of voters’ minds. In so doing, they also helped to win western workers in general — and white male ones in particular — unprecedented shares of national income.

But this bargain between business and labor had always been contingent on robust growth. In the postwar era of rising productivity, it was possible for profits and wages to increase in tandem. But in the 1970s, western economies came under stress. Rising energy costs and global competition thinned profit margins, rendering business owners more hostile to labor’s demands both within the shop and in politics. Stagflation — the simultaneous appearance of high unemployment and high inflation — gave an opening to right-wing critics of the postwar order, who argued that the welfare state and pro-labor macroeconomic policies had sapped productivity.

Meanwhile, various long-term economic trends began undermining industrial unionism. Automation inevitably reduced the labor intensity of factories in the West. The advent of the shipping container eased the logistical burdens of globalizing production, while the industrialization of low-wage developing countries increased the incentives for doing so. Separately, as western consumers grew more affluent, they began spending less of their income on durable goods and more on services like health care (one needs only so many toasters, but the human desire for greater longevity and physical well-being is nigh-insatiable). These developments reduced both the economic leverage and the political weight of industrial workers. And since western service sectors had lower rates of unionization, deindustrialization weakened organized labor.

All this presented center-left parties with a difficult challenge. In the face of deindustrialization, an increasingly anti-labor corporate sector, an increasingly conservative economic discourse, an embattled union movement, and a globalizing economy, such parties needed to formulate new models for achieving shared prosperity. And they had to do so while managing rising cultural tensions within their coalitions.

They largely failed.

Countering the postindustrial economy’s tendencies toward inequality would have required radical reforms. Absent policies promoting the unionization of the service sector, deindustrialization inevitably weakened labor. Absent drastic changes in the allocation of posttax income, automation and globalization redistributed economic gains away from “low skill” workers and toward the most productive — or well-situated — professionals, executives, and entrepreneurs.

The United States had more power than any western nation to standardize such reforms and establish a relatively egalitarian postindustrial model. Yet the Democratic Party could muster neither the political will nor the imagination to do so. Instead, under Jimmy Carter, it acquiesced to various policies that reinforced the postindustrial economy’s tendencies toward inequality, while outsourcing key questions of economic management to financial markets and the Federal Reserve. The Reagan administration took this inegalitarian and depoliticized model of economic governance to new extremes. And to highly varying degrees, its inequitable and market-fundamentalist creed influenced the policies of future U.S. administrations and other western governments.

As a result, the past five decades witnessed a great divergence in the economic fortunes of workers with and without college diplomas, while the western working class (a.k.a. the “lower middle class”) became the primary “losers” of globalization .

The center-left parties’ failures to avert a decline in the economic security and status of ordinary workers discredited them with much of their traditional base. And their failure to reinvigorate organized labor undermined the primary institutions that politicize workers into a progressive worldview. These shortcomings, combined with the market’s increasingly dominant role in economic management, reduced the political salience of left-right divides on economic policy. This in turn gave socially conservative working-class voters fewer reasons to vote for center-left parties and gave affluent social liberals fewer reasons to oppose them. In western nations where organized labor remains relatively strong (such as Norway, Sweden, and Finland), education polarization has been relatively mild, while in those countries where it is exceptionally weak (such as the United States), the phenomenon has been especially pronounced.

Finally, the divergent economic fortunes of workers and professionals might have abetted education polarization in one other way: Given that experiencing abundance encourages social liberalism — while experiencing scarcity discourages it — the past half-century of inequitable growth might have deepened cultural divisions between workers with degrees and those without.

The professionalization of civil society estranged the left from its working-class base.

While the evolution of western economies increased the class distance between college graduates and other workers, the evolution of western civil societies increased the social distance between each group.

Back in the mid-20th century, the college educated still constituted a tiny minority of western populations, while mass-membership institutions — from trade unions to fraternal organizations to political parties — still dominated civic life. In that context, an educated professional who wished to exercise political influence often needed to join a local chapter of a cross-class civic association or political party and win election to a leadership position within that organization by securing the confidence of its membership.

That changed once educated professionals became a mass constituency in their own right. As the college-educated population ballooned and concentrated itself within urban centers, it became easier for interest groups to swing elections and pressure lawmakers without securing working-class support. At the same time, the proliferation of “knowledge workers” set off an arms race between interest and advocacy groups looking to influence national legislation and election outcomes. Job opportunities for civic-minded professionals in think tanks, nonprofits, and foundations proliferated. And thanks to growing pools of philanthropic money and the advent of direct-mail fundraising, these organizations could sustain themselves without recruiting an active mass membership.

Thus, the professional’s path to political influence dramatically changed. Instead of working one’s way up through close-knit local groups — and bending them toward one’s political goals through persuasion — professionals could join (or donate to) nationally oriented advocacy groups already aligned with their preferences, which could then advance their policy aims by providing legislators with expert guidance and influencing public opinion through media debates.

As the political scientist Theda Skocpol demonstrates in her book Diminished Democracy , college graduates began defecting from mass-membership civic organizations in the 1970s, in an exodus that helped precipitate their broader decline.

Combined with the descent of organized labor, the collapse of mass participation in civic groups and political parties untethered the broad left from working-class constituencies. As foundation-funded NGOs displaced trade unions in the progressive firmament, left-wing parties became less directly accountable to their less-educated supporters. This made such parties more liable to embrace the preferences and priorities of educated professionals over those of the median working-class voter.

Meanwhile, in the absence of a thriving civic culture, voters became increasingly reliant on the mass media for their political information.

Today’s media landscape is fertile terrain for right-wing populism.

The dominant media technology of the mid-20th century — broadcast television — favored oligopoly. Given the exorbitant costs of mounting a national television network in that era, the medium was dominated by a small number of networks, each with an incentive to appeal to a broad audience. This discouraged news networks from cultivating cultural controversy while empowering them to establish a broadly shared information environment.

Cable and the internet have molded a radically different media landscape. Today, news outlets compete in a hypersaturated attentional market that encourages both audience specialization and sensationalism. In a world where consumers have abundant infotainment options, voters who read at a graduate-school level and those who read at an eighth-grade level are unlikely to favor the same content. And the same is true of voters with liberal and conservative sensibilities — especially since the collapse of a common media ecosystem leads ideologues to occupy disparate factual universes. The extraordinary nature of today’s media ecology is well illustrated by this chart from Martin Gurri’s book, The Revolt of the Public :

This information explosion abets education polarization for straightforward reasons: Since the college educated and non-college educated have distinct tastes in media, in a highly competitive attentional market, they will patronize different outlets and accept divergent facts.

Further, in the specific economic and social context we’ve been examining, the modern media environment is fertile terrain for reactionary entrepreneurs who wish to cultivate grievance against the professional elite. After all, as we’ve seen, that elite (1) subscribes to some values that most working-class people reject, (2) commandeers a wildly disproportionate share of national income and economic status, and (3) dominates the leadership of major political parties and civic groups to an unprecedented degree.

The political efficacy of such right-wing “populist” programming has been repeatedly demonstrated. Studies have found that exposure to Fox News increases Republican vote share and that the expansion of broadband internet into rural areas leads to higher levels of partisan hostility and lower levels of ticket splitting (i.e., more ideologically consistent voting) as culturally conservative voters gain access to more ideologically oriented national news reporting, commentary, and forums.

What is to be done?

The idea that education polarization arises from deep structural tendencies in western society may inspire a sense of powerlessness. And the notion that it emerges in part from a cultural divide between professionals and working people may invite ideological discomfort, at least among well-educated liberals.

But the fact that some center-left parties have managed to retain more working-class support than others suggests that the Democrats have the capacity to broaden (or narrow) their coalition. Separately, the fact that college-educated liberals have distinct social values does not require us to forfeit them.

The commentators most keen to acknowledge the class dimensions of the culture wars typically aim to discredit the left by doing so. Right-wing polemicists often suggest that progressives’ supposedly compassionate social preferences are mere alibis for advancing the professional class’s material interests. But such arguments are almost invariably weak. Progressive social views may be consonant with professional-class interests, but they typically represent attempts to universalize widely held ideals of freedom and equality. The college educated’s cosmopolitan inclinations are also adaptive for a world that is unprecedentedly interconnected and interdependent and in which population asymmetries between the rich and developing worlds create opportunities for mutual gain through migration , if only xenophobia can be overcome. And of course, in an era of climate change, the professional class’s strong concern for the environment is more than justified.

Nevertheless, professional-class progressives must recognize that our social values are not entirely unrelated to our class position. They are not an automatic by-product of affluence and erudition, nor the exclusive property of the privileged. But humans living in rich, industrialized nations are considerably more likely to harbor these values than those in poor, agrarian ones. And Americans who had the privilege of spending their late adolescence at institutions of higher learning are more likely to embrace social liberalism than those who did not.

The practical implications of this insight are debatable. It is plausible that Democrats may be able to gain working-class vote share by moderating on some social issues. But the precise electoral payoff of any single concession to popular opinion is deeply uncertain. Voters’ conceptions of each party’s ideological positioning are often informed less by policy details than by partisan stereotypes. And the substantive costs of moderation — both for the welfare of vulnerable constituencies and the long-term health of the progressive project — can be profound. At various points in the past half-century, it might have been tactically wise for Democrats to distance themselves from the demands of organized labor. But strategically, sacrificing the health of a key partisan institution to the exigencies of a single election cycle is deeply unwise. Meanwhile, in the U.S. context, the “mainstream” right has staked out some cultural positions that are profoundly unpopular with all social classes . In 2022, it is very much in the Democratic Party’s interest to increase the political salience of abortion rights.

In any case, exactly how Democrats should balance the necessity of keeping the GOP out of power with the imperative to advocate for progressive issue positions is something on which earnest liberals can disagree.

The case for progressives to be more cognizant of the diploma divide when formulating our messaging and policy priorities, however, seems clearer.

Education polarization can be self-reinforcing. As left-wing civic life has drifted away from mass-membership institutions and toward the ideologically self-selecting circles of academia, nonprofits, and the media, the left’s sensitivity to the imperatives of majoritarian politics has dulled. In some respects, the incentives for gaining status and esteem within left-wing subcultures are diametrically opposed to the requirements of coalition building. In the realm of social media, it can be advantageous to make one’s policy ideas sound more radical and/or threatening to popular values than they actually are. Thus, proposals for drastically reforming flawed yet popular institutions are marketed as plans for their “abolition,” while some advocates for reproductive rights insist that they are not merely “pro-choice” but “ pro-abortion ” (as though their objective were not to maximize bodily autonomy but rather the incidence of abortion itself, a cause that would seemingly require limiting access to contraception).

Meanwhile, the rhetoric necessary for cogently theorizing social problems within academia — and that fit for effectively selling policy reforms to a mass audience — is quite different. Political-science research indicates that theoretical abstractions tend to leave most voters cold. Even an abstraction as accessible as “inequality” resonates less with ordinary people than simply saying that the rich have too much money . Yet Democratic politicians have nevertheless taken to peppering their speeches with abstract academic terms such as structural racism .

Relatedly, in the world of nonprofits, policy wonks are often encouraged to foreground the racial implications of race-neutral redistributive policies that disproportionately benefit nonwhite constituencies. Although it is important for policy design to account for any latent racial biases in universal programs, there is reason to believe that, in a democracy with a 70 percent white electorate and widespread racial resentment, it is unwise for Democratic politicians to suggest that broadly beneficial programs primarily aid minority groups.

On the level of priority setting, it seems important for college-educated liberals to be conscious of the fact that “post-material” concerns resonate more with us than with the general public. This is especially relevant for climate strategy. Poll results and election outcomes both indicate that working-class voters are far more sensitive to the threat of rising energy prices than to that of climate change. Given that reality, the most politically viable approach to reducing emissions is likely to expedite the development and deployment of clean-energy technologies rather than deterring energy consumption through higher prices. In practice, this means prioritizing the build-out of green infrastructure over the obstruction of fossil-fuel extraction.

Of course, narrowing the social distance between college-educated liberals and working people would be even better than merely finessing it. The burgeoning unionization of white-collar professions and the growing prominence of downwardly mobile college graduates in working-class labor struggles are both encouraging developments on this front. Whatever Democrats can do to facilitate labor organizing and increase access to higher education will simultaneously advance social justice and improve the party’s long-term electoral prospects.

Finally, the correlation between material security and social liberalism underscores the urgency of progressive economic reform. Shared prosperity can be restored only by increasing the social wage of ordinary workers through some combination of unionization, sectoral bargaining, wage subsidies, and social-welfare expansion. To some extent, this represents a chicken-and-egg problem: Radical economic reforms may be a necessary precondition for the emergence of a broad progressive majority, yet a broad progressive majority is itself a precondition for radical reform.

Nevertheless, in wealthy, deep-blue states such as New York and California, Democrats have the majorities necessary for establishing a progressive economic model. At the moment, artificial constraints on the housing supply , clean-energy production, and other forms of development are sapping blue states’ economic potential . If such constraints could be overcome, the resulting economic gains would simultaneously increase working people’s living standards and render state-level social-welfare programs easier to finance. Perhaps the starting point for such a political revolution is for more-affluent social liberals to recognize that their affinity for exclusionary housing policies and aversion to taxation undermines their cultural values.

Our understanding of education polarization remains provisional. And all proposals for addressing it remain open to debate. The laws of political science are more conjectural than those of physics, and even perfect insight into political reality cannot settle disputes rooted in ideology.

But effective political engagement requires unblinkered vision. The Democratic Party’s declining support among working-class voters is a serious problem. If Democrats consider only ideologically convenient explanations for that problem, our intellectual comfort may come at the price of political power.

political science
higher education
the democratic party
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Essay on My Country Pakistan in English with Quotations

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“In Pakistan, lies our deliverance, defence and honour.” – (Muhammad Ali Jinnah)

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How the Diploma Divide Is Remaking American Politics

The college-educated population has distinct ideological tendencies and psychological sensibilities.

The path to the professional class veers left.

More material security, more social liberalism.

When the culture wars moved to the center of politics, the college educated moved left.

When the postwar bargain collapsed, the center-left failed to secure workers a new deal.

The professionalization of civil society estranged the left from its working-class base.

Today’s media landscape is fertile terrain for right-wing populism.

What is to be done?